BEAVER NEWSPAPER OF THE LONDON. SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS STUDENTS' UNION Issue 229 5 November 1984 first election results in! We are London students, many of us homeless, who want to make this building a home. We first entered the building on Tuesday night, by non-criminal means. We found it in excellent repair and we will maintain it as such. We understood that it had been unoccupied but eminently usable since December 1983. We understand that occupation of this building entails considerable responsibilities. We will maintain the property to the highest standards of cleanliness and repair. Here are our plans for the building: Jean Denton Interview Page 8 [Legal Eagle Column Page 19 Mews From ULU Page18 1) HOME FOR THE HOMELESS. We have decided that we will be able to permanently accommodate a maximum of eight people per floor with no residents in the basement, and have assessed the existing facilities to be appropriate for this number. 2) SHORT TERM EMERGENCY ACCOMODATION. We intend to provide sleeping facilities on a very short term basis to cope with the chronic shortage of housing which occurs at the beginning of every academic year. inside Ultra Vires Issue Page 6 Ethiopia Appeal Page16 lis Election Special Page? 3) ACCOMMODATION ADVICE BUREAU, this will be run by students for students complementing the services already provided by the university and student unions. It will incorporate a resource centre for this purpose. This is a "needs" issue, in response to the escalating housing crisis in which many students have come off worst. We are sure that you are aware of this situation and hope that you will consider this statement seriously. On behalf of the present occupants. London Arts plus Orwell Special Page 9 Societies Sport I Page 20 An unprecedented turn-out of candidates stretched the Union's electoral process to the limits, particularly as the forty six candidates contesting the eight Committees needing a vote, sidelined many reliable hands with vested interests. Even worse, a huge vote (1165 ballot papers issued, 50% up on last year, and three times the normal vote), saw a hastily assembled ballot paper factory staffed almost entirely by the far-left, frantically assembling freshly printed papers at 5pm. on the day of the election. At Beaver deadline the following results were available; Returned unopposed: Catering Committee: Iain Crawford and Richard Snell Accommodation Committee: no candidates Elected: Finance Committee: Helen Phillips (546) Court of Governers: John Tomaney (223, elected stage 3); Antonia Burrows (219.71, elected stage 6); Peter Liss (195.52, elected stage 6); Simon Brewer (169.0, elected stage 6); Elwyn Watkins (159.1, elected stage 6). Library Committee: Gerald MacMahon (437, elected stage 1); Lucy Thomas (301.1, elected stage 4). Health Committee: Marriette Mason (276, elected stage 1); Ed Lucas (265, elected stage 1); Owen Watkins (238.56, elected stage 2b); Julian Cooke (199.35, elected stage 2b). NUS Conference: Mike Mos-zynski (240, elected delegate, stage 1); Debbi Hindson (148, elected delegate, stage 1). Count continued following day. Other election results will follow in next issue of Beaver. Many thanks to everyone who helped, and don't forget, I'll see you in two weeks. 'Irascible' Alan Peakall Returning Officer STATEMENT BY HOMELESS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON STUDENTS OCCUPYING THE PREMISES AT 66-72 GOWER STREET STOP PRESS! lucas resigns At the UGM on Thursday November 1st, Ed Lucas, the General Secretary stunned the meeting by resigning. He said that the consequences of making ultra vires payments were too catastrophic for the Union, and he therefore felt he could not carry out the Union's instruction and was resigning with immediate effect. Nominations were immediately opened for a by-election which will be held in two weeks on Thursday 15 November. Will Lucas stand again? Simon Barnett. Beaver 5 November 1984 LETTERS Constitutionally Confused? Dear Editor, As John Donkersley so aptly put it in the last issue, Ed Lucas' "flocks of adoring first years and American Democrats" joined with the hard left, middle left, soft left. Liberals, etc. etc., combined to pass a motion unconstitutional, illegal and otherwise slightly spurious. (NOT John Donkersley's opinion). Ed Lucas certainly did his job. Ed's passionate speeches, combined with his promise only to "follow the Union's wishes" represented a force impossible for those more conscious of the law to defeat. Forget about the issues of the motion. There was no chance that the rights and wrongs of the issue could even be discussed within the^ context of the Lucas-adoring, leftist, plane-throwing crowd. Let's talk first about the so-called Constitution Committee "report". Personally, a report issued by such an obviously biased committee holds little meaning to me, and I suspect, a majority of stuedents. Unfortunately, this Union meeting, packed with Trots, Liberals and other such "left"-thinking people never even considered the far-reaching implications of this motion. Lost within the context of a Lucas-left led debating coalition affirming to the end the ability of seven students to decide legal matters, was the Finance Committee's report. The Finance Committee, for those who read their Constitution shall 1) review the financial BEAVER CREDITS EDITORS: Eleanor Edwards, Lucy Cohen. Societies Editor: Dayo Forster. Sports Editor: Joanna Davies. Photography: Mark Moore, Alan Peakall. Arts: Julian Ozanne, James Bailey, Rajat Kohli. Beaver Team: Iqbal Wahhab, Simon Barnett, John Donkersley, Giles Perritt, Randall Flynn, Toby Kramers, Ed Richards, Hugh Sergeant, Richard Jones, Antonia Burrows, Rob Alan, Carol Atack. Other contributors as credited. Many thanks to all. Photosetters: Gee Graphics, 15 Gee Street, London ECl. Printers: Cambridge Heath Press. Published by the London School of Economics Students' Union, East Building, Houghton Street, London WC2. Moral Outrage Dear Editor, As one of your immediate past editors I would like to bring to your attention the fact that this year Beaver has not been shortlisted for the Guardian Student Media Awards. The unprecedented heights of student journalism that my partner and affairs of this Union (Part II, section 6, IE); 2) render advice to the Union (Standing Orders, section 3, 2b); 3) recommendation of measures and policy (Standing Orders, section 3, 2C). Briefly, the Finance Committee recommended that ultra-vires payments, in particular a payment to the miners, should not be made, and also that financial procedure regarding the signing of checks (sic) should not be changed. By now it would seem obvious that we are talking about the motion on paying games machines money to the miners. I freely admit that I am a Conservative. Before that, however, I am a member of the LSE Students' Union and a member of its Finance Committee. Constitutionally, as a member of the Finance Committee, we have the responsibility collectively, of advising the Student Union on financial matters. Personally, I believe that at the Union meeting, confronted by the Lucas-left coalition, students did not consider the full ramifications of this issue, and perhaps voted against their better instincts. I will admit that there is, and can be, no proof of this. This payment is ultra-vires, and therefore completely illegal. It is also completely unconstitutional. Hopefully, students will look away from Ed Lucas' apple-pie face long enough to reconsider their poss-bly catastrophic action. All that has been done is the pitting of one section of the Union against another within the context of a possible injunction. So was giving our money away to the Miners' worth it? Sincerely, David Better Junior Treasurer. Harrington of the Left? The Editor, It suddenly struck me, when watching the obscene antics of Pat Hayes at this week's union meeting, how ironic it was that we can pass motions supporting PNL students in their fight against a politically extreme, bully-boy and yet can allow Pat Hayes to get away with his intimidation and brute-force politics week after week. How strange it is that Pat Hayes himself can protest about fascist thugs attacking fellow students, while doing the same thing himself. We can all quite happily state that Pat Hayes is simply demonstrating the redundancy of his ideology. But attacking and victimising people on the grounds of their beliefs is as bad as doing it for reasons of their colour, creed or their sexual leanings. It must now be clear to all that Patrick Hayes is nothing more than the Patrick Harrington of the extreme left. Yours sincerely, Robert Shrimsley 1 engendered into this now erudite journal clearly did not impress the Judges. One can only conclude that the turpitude of these philistines is boundless. Yours in disgust Iqbal Wahhab Martin Graham replies to the article in our last issue entitled: 'A Gentleman's Disagreement'. I should like to clarify a few points raised in your article concerning the incident between myself and Mr Faisal Maqsum. The implications of that article are deeply misleading and have caused me considerable personal distress. According to Beaver, there was a 'running battle' during which 'bottles were thrown', this would lead most readers to believe there was an element of mutuality in the bottle throwing. In fact, only one person was throwing bottles and that certainly wasn't me. While the 'running battle' was supposedly taking place I was actually running down the corridor in a state of some apprehension trying to avoid the missiles aimed at me. In addition to this there were clear verbal threats on my life. I am not afraid to admit that my provocation was partly responsible for the incident. I did not, however, expect my provocation to incite the severity of the actual response. Although I might be apt to use any amount of verbal weapons it should be made clear that I would never resort to violence in this manner, the Beaver article failed to convey this essential point. Martin Graham Donkersley's Defence Dear Editor, Various accusations have been made that I lied to the Union over the legal status of payments from the Three Tuns Club games machines. This seems to be backed up by NUS Legal Dept. in the hand-scribbled addendum to a letter to the current Senior Treasurer. NUS Legal Dept. is certainly back-pedalling on the nature of the advice they were giving me which is more in line with the following: "the use of receipts from such sources as games machines or bars would be improper if they would normally have been used by or available to the Union itself. Such receipts could only be used if they became available through a body constituted separately from the Union, such as a limited company or separate club..." (My emphasis.) The source of this radical quote - the standard letter sent out by NUS Legal Dept. upon which the hand-scribbled note was put! Intro Ball Defended Dear Editors, I feel I must reply to the quite ludicrous letter printed in the. last issue Beaver from Andrew Oldland. As a member of the Ents Committee, I have a vested interest admittedly, but two years previous work in Ents qualifies me quite well to answer the accusations. The Intro Ball is designed to be a "bumper gig" to help start the year; for first years to meet new people and for second and third years to meet old friends. A good time is to be had by all -or at least that's the theory. Basically its still a gig; Monochrome Set, past LSE favourites, were chosen for the job. Tickets were put on sale from the beginning of term, and were readily available from the Union Shop and the Ents Office. Phil, myself, and all of the Ents faithfuls spent endless time at the Intro Fair trying to sell tickets. I'm sorry to have to explain the facts of life to you right of reply The Passfield Incident: A Reply Dear Editor, I read with interest Malcolm Lowe's interpretation of events in Passfield Hall. He has neglected to inform himself of the real facts of the case in spite of having plenty of opportunities to find out my side of the story. I also believe that had he listened to Martin Graham's version of events and reported it fully, the story would have been a different one. It seems that he was motivated less by a desire to give a full and fair account than by feelings of animosity towards me. What Martin Graham chooses to wear to dinner is his own business and I was certainly not annoyed by it. I am surprised too that the Editors of Beaver should allow such an obviously biased report to be printed without first ensuring that the facts were correct. Faisal Maqsum The disagreement thus seems to be on the nature of the Three Tuns Club. NUS had the constitution etc. in front of them from a letter I sent on 6th January asking for advice (which was never replied to) and was looking at it while we talked. I can only say that my impression was that they were saying that it was within the scope of the Three Tuns Club to make such payments (with the proviso that the Bar Committee should pass the motion, also, to maintain the 'separation' between the Union and Three Tuns Club. This I did not do because I later noticed that Three Tuns Club general meetings coincided with those of the Union). So who do you believe? Me or NUS, a department that doesn't reply to letters, that doesn't send copies of letters to LSE SU it said it would send to me, a body that could also have political reasons for being seen not to support contentious payments? Yours in Socialism, John Donkersley. mate, but when you go to a gig without a ticket you might have to queue up for a while (even at Hammy Odeon, Lyceum etc!!). As I was one of the several people on the desk I can assure you that we were working as fast as we could. Your next complaint concerned the fact that the Tuns was not open to people who did not have tickets. The Tuns does not open on a Saturday night unless it is used as an overflow for the Cobden Bar, and as a place to watch videos so as to give as wide a choice as possible, as was the case with the Intro Ball. Just because you own a minute share in something doesn't mean you are entitled to use it whenever you like. The next accusation was the best of the lot. Fraud? What did you honestly expect from the Intro gig? 150 interested freshers turning up to fill the Haldane Room where they would be issued with free A-2's and Pauper's Cookbooks - you jest. Gigs are supposed to be full DISGUSTED WITH DONKEYJACKET Dear Editor I am writing as a rather offended First Year after reading John Donkersley's article 'Donkeyjacket Visits the Union' (Beaver, 22 Oct.1984). The majority of people wouldn't be at the LSE if they couldn't think for themselves, and to suggest that people voted against 'No Platform' without considering the case is ludicrous. His narrow-mindedness is carried further by suggesting that people voted against 'No Platform' because of the 'evil' of the Left (the majority of supporters of 'No Platform' being of the Left persuasion), and the 'charisma' exuding from Ed Lucas. My support was for the abolition of 'No Platform', but I certainly don't view Ed Lucas as the "good boy' of LSE - far from it. It is about time that John appreciated that some people vote on issues and not according to their party-political preferences. I do not stand alone on this point. Maybe John could do with being shown some reality himself. As First Years, we don't know all the ins and outs of the LSE political scene, but we can see the situation for ourselves. However, I must confess to agreeing with John on the subject of Ed's position regarding the miners. Ed appears to have reversed his much publicised position (several statements in the national press during the summer) on ultra vires. His "conscience" makes him feel obliged to have that cheque signed, but why hasn't he actually done an5^hing about it? It appears that he is trying to keep everybody (Left, Right and Centre) happy and on his side, but he is blind to the fact that everyone is in fact against him. His reversal of opinion has really left Mike Moszynski struggling along in the mire — he is left to face attacks from the Left in the UGMs because of living up to his election promises. Hopefully when this episode is over it will be Ed who will face the consequences of his appalling behaviour. Last week, the Liberal Club's newsletter Focus said that the Tories have "sold us out". But perhaps if they looked among their own ranks they would find, Ed Lucas "enhancing their reputation" and selling them out. Ed is just as hypocritical as the 'No Platform' that he has succeeded in abolishing. Adam Smith — it creates atmosphere, and the view in the Haldane Room beats Wembley Arena and other rip-off venues. You can verify with Phil Hague or Tony Smith that we were well within our fire limit. If you don't like gigs, and as you don't like crowds or queues that seems pretty likely, there was other entertainment during Intro Week. Nick Briski and I did a typical LSE disco - Gary Glitter et al; there was an excellent alternative comedy, and the Serfous Drinking gig (oh sorry I forgot, you don't like those). Quite a good choice really -and I think most freshers were pleased with Intro Week entertainments wise. As far as organisation goes, where else would you get two cheap bars, a disco, videos, two cinema films plus free bands? There's really no pleasing some people. Simon Bexon Beaver 5 November 1984 page 3 TOKn LSE prominent on SA picket At the Union With Richard Cranmer South African Emfcrassy Picket On Friday the LSE Anti-Apartheid Society joined a 24 hour picket outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square. About one hundred people from the school marched down the Strand and were welcomed by the Picket with cries of "Viva LSE!" Police were very much in evidence, but had no excuse to interfere with the picket, and were hard pressed to remain looking impassive as the singing of black african songs started, and people danced. This picket was particularly well timed, as the As you probably noticed the School Committee elections were held on Thursday November 1st, polling having taken place from 9.30am to 7.00pm. Elections are obviously held to those committees for which places are contested; and even if you did vote, you are perhaps unaware of the places on Committees that went uncontested. In fact, interest in one Committee, that for Accommodation-was so low that student representation in this area now stands at nil. Perhaps it is necessary to point out that the Accommodation Committee is concerned with the allocation of rooms around the School; not the most glamorous of subjects, and mainly administrative, it is disappointing that there is not student interest present. It is important that these places are taken up - as student participation is something that was and still is hard fought for. The School, which cautiously gives students a voice, will not be moved to increase student say, unless we make full use of the opportunities open to us. Similarly, the full quota of places on the Careers Advisory Service, Catering Committee and Safety Committee were not taken up. The Student Support Group having one place and one candidate at least kept everyone happy. Likewise, as a matter of record, eight people were elected unapposed to represent LSE on the University of London Union's General Union Union Committee (ULUGUC). Of the contested Committees, the Court of Governers is arguably the ultimate decisionmaking body of the School, but much business is conducted in secret, without students present. With ten people standing for five places, it was, along A Debating Society debate held on Tuesday 30th October managed to attract more of an audience than two MPs who were speaking in other rooms at the same time. The motion, "This House Believes That The Violence of the IRA is Necessitated by the Actions of the British roundups by the police and army in South Africa of black activists continue, and the Brit-ish government remains unhelpful to the three UDF members still in the British Consulate in Durban. with the Library Committee, the most hotly contested. The Building Committee, for some reason, saw two members of the LSE Federation of Conservative Students (FCS) standing under left-wing labels. The reason for this seems to be unknown, even by FCS. Perhaps the reason is obvious. The Labour Club cite it as an example of Conservative clogging up of the political process. Whatever the reason, it is sad, as we all know that the School buildings need much change and serious attention. The Library Committee, mentioned earlier in this article, attracted twice as many candidates as places available. Perhaps this reflects the disenchantment wutg arrangements as they stand at present. Of the other Committees, the General Purposes Committee (GPC) is probably the only one on which students can bring about most change. Surprisingly, it attracted only one more candidate than places, and no Conservative candidate. The Student Health and Overseas Student Welfare Committees, again both of obvious importance, only received one more candidate than places available, as did the position of the Finance Committee. The Conservatives had no candidates standing for ' the above. Outside of School politics, but just as important, was the selection of delegates to the National Union of Students (NUS) Conference. The NUS Conference is the ultimate decision-making body of NUS; with four places as delegates, and three as observers, it attracted ten candidates. With the elections over, and the results in, many people must be wondering what these Committees achieve. Cynics at LSE say little or nothing, and that if they only maintain the status quo and stop things get- Government", was proposed by two members of the LSE Revolutionary Communists, and opposed by representatives of the LSE Federation of Conservative Students. The fiercely contested discussion could easily have spilled over into violent outbursts itself The LSE Anti-Apartheid Society plans to continue supporting the picket, and is planning various other activities in London. Why not come along to a meeting? Giles Perritt ting worse they're doing a good job. The Labour Club seems to take the most interest and participate most actively. Indeed, with their majority of candidates some argue that they dominate the proceedings. Perhaps, more fairly, it reflects that the Labour Club is, at least, trying to do things for students. FCS on the other hand, seemed to be very poorly represented. When challenged on this point, they argue that they are being only politically realistic. By only selecting their best candidates they seek to concentrate their vote, and thereby obtain some degree of counterweight to the Labour Club. They also argue that Labour just flooded the elections without much thought for the work ahead. Naturally, the Labour Club interpret the situation very differently. They see FCS as taking little interest especially in the area of student welfare and that they therefore, spend most of their time, as in Union Meetings, calling points of order, challenging the Chair and wasting time. The Union of Liberal Students (ULS) and the newly-formed Alliance stand somewhere between the fundamental dichotomy of Right, Left and Right. Perhaps this newfound Alliance is the start of greater things - between them they were certainly well represented at the elections. Inevitably though, most eyes are focussed on FCS and the Labour Club. This perhaps, is one of the major problems at LSE - there is little middle ground, and certainly no compromise between Left and Right. Over student welfare, and matters that affect us all -surely there is room for more cooperation in the future and less mutual antagonism. Richard Jones if it were not for the adept handling of the meeting by "guest chair" Iqhal Wahhab , who seems to get his finger into every pie going at the LSE. The motion fell by a majority of 5 to 1, but that's hardly the point is it? Walter Cronkite (?) Tuesday 25th's Union Meeting ended in frenzy with General Secretary, Ed Lucas, waving a giant cheque in the air like some fresh-faced Robert Maxwell. The main issue at stake once again was whether the Union would betray the philanthropic ideals of those who play the Three Tuns gambling machines with the aim of making a donation to the miners and their families. It raised its head during the treasurer's report with this year's Treasurer, Mike Moszynski, and his predecessor, John Donkersley, shouting "liar" at each other, but this Cannon and Ball routine was just a warm up. Moszynski grits his teeth Moszynski claimed that a two thirds majority was needed to overthrow his report and although he was wrong, more than two thirds voted against it anyway. The Constitution Committee reported that the Three Tuns was, in effect, constitutionally separate from the Union and that the original motion to donate the money had not therefore required a two thirds majority or a week's notice. It's all at the Co-op Now The Chairman's good offices had produced an agreement from the Cooperative Society to handle the cheque and thus avoid individual liability. Then came the General Secretary's big moment. Ed, who, as we revealed last week takes The General Purposes Committee continues to drag its heels over certain very pertinent questions. For those unfamiliar with this particular body let it first be explained that the GPC exists to provide a forum for discussion between students and faculty. The Committee should serve as one of the initial channels by which a student may bring a complaint to the attention of the powers that be, but in spite of forceful efforts by student representatives, recent months have seen rather more words than deeds from the G.P.C. Last Wednesday's meeting bore this out. Antonia Burrows put forward suggestions on the need to counteract sexual harassment at LSE. Thirteen proposals were forwarded on such topics as why there are nothing stronger than ginger beer, produced his familiar brand of low octane apoplexy in response to a question from Robert Shrimsley and then launched into a heart warming speech showing his sincere sjTn-pathy with striking miners' families. Robert Shrimsley sings: "I Stand Alone" It didn't seem to matter that] he'd been called "arrogant and incompetent" (by Simon Scott), the applause was like the patter of 50ps on his shoes. All it needed was a nudge and he'd hit the jackpot. He swept out of the meeting on a tide of euphoria with a cheque for £2500 signed by Mickey Mouse 100 times. A final comment from Mike Moszynski: "that's the most ridiculous thing that has ever happened in this Union". Friday's emergency meeting was rather poorly attended owing to apparent ploy of placing the required ten notices one on top of the other. The difficulty of raising a quorum had an unsettling effect on Conservatives who were undecided as to whether to walk out and] thus attempt to make the meeting inquorate or stay and speak against the motion of support for the miners. In the end this indecision was too much for them and they retreated to a world of Conservative certainty by holding an impromptu coffee morning in the Brunch Bowl. After authoritative speeches on both sides, a resounding victory for the motion was recorded. Having said this and without wishing to seem unduly pessimistic, one may wonder whether the noble cause can survive the (alleged) support of Colonel Gaddafi and of Ed Lucas within one week. still no alarms in the female showers following several incidents of harassment. Another topic of contention was the subject of student files. Student representatives claimed that although these files are said to exist only for staff such as tutors and medics, at times exam failures have been noted and used at a later date without the student's knowledge. The right of each student to see his or her own files was suggested. Although the School insisted that only one file exists per student, a library file doubles this figure immediately. The School promised to get back to the student representatives within 24 hours. Surprisingly enough, they are still waiting! Gilly Wedon THE SCHOOL COMMITTEE ELECTIONS Violent Debate Attracts More Than Two MPs GPC REPORT: 10th October 1984 Beaver 5 November 1984, The Gandhi Assassination patel mourns death of his pupil_ The Director (Picture by Gavin Allan-Wood from LSE Photographic Unit) In a statement to Beaver, LSE's Director, Dr I G Patel, who served from 1977 until 1982 as Governor of the Reserve Bank of India, expressed his profound shock at the assassination of India's Prime Minister, Mrs Indira Gandhi. Dr Patel, who tutored Mrs Gandhi in economics after she assumed personal control of India's finance portfolio in 1969, described her as "the greatest patriot of my generation". He added that when he first heard the news on television, he had found it difficult to believe. "She lived only for India, and now she has died for India. The question now, for all Indians, is whether we will have a similar unifying influence in the future". Asked how Mrs Gandhi's son, Rajiv, would cope as Prime Minister, Dr Patel said that he would have "a tremendous advantage over and above his own abilities, because the whole country, including the opposition, will rally round, him". "Everyone knows that the country faces a very difficult situation. I believe that, after the initial emotional outburst, a large majority of the Sikh population will rally round as well". Dr Patel pointed out that after Mahatma Gandhi's assassination, violence was almost eliminated. "This shock is of a different nature", he continued, "but I believe the main effect, in the end, will be to bring people closer together". Richard Bacon GOWER STREET SQUAT Picture by Don McPhee, The demonstration was fun, bright and colourful, the big yellow cranes looked just as they did in the posters and Barrow itself was a little town set in the incredibly picturesque countryside of the Lake District. Over 20,000 people came from all over the country, yet one might argue that this was just another CND demonstration which was not going to change anything. In a way this is true, yet if we see the role of CND as one of cummunication then I think that a number of very important factors were On Tuesday 16th October, 17 University of unearthed which reflects both London students entered a'vacant building at "n ^t^K'for^rnVu^tSiTS 66, Gower Street through an open window, version from military' to The alarm system failed to go off and the socially useful'production. Barrow: cnd Calls for Industrial Conversion students quickly established temporary accommodation for themselves and a base from which to publicise the plight of homeless students. The building belongs to the London University Examinations Board and has been empty for the past six months. While tentative plans have been made to lease the building to the UCL, no action is expected for at least the next six months during which time the building will remain vacant. Even if the building is eventually acquired for student accommodation, it is still possible that much of the space will be leased to private interests to help defray costs. Students at the squat recognize the high costs involved in providing student housing, but suggest it is a question of misplaced priorities. They point out that University College in particular, is spending huge amounts on the expansion of academic facilities, but has virtually ignored the critical shortage of student housing. Upwards of 50 people a day visit the LSE Accommodation Office at the beginning of term; only 1 in 5 students receive a place in a university hall, the rest, mostly 2nd and 3rd year students, are forced to turn to an overcrowded and overpriced private sector. Although the University pays no rent on the building and it will remain unoccupied, the University wishes to evict the squatters for what student occupiers term "reasons of convenience", that is complications with the fire insurance and with local council ordinances. The University officials have also warned students that the building is unsafe to occupy, though by all appearances it is clean and in excellent repair. The authorities have refrained from cutting off the electricity and water supplies on grounds of hygiene and fire risk. While there is no central heating or shower, the wash basins and kitchen facilities appeared adequate for the forty people permanently occupying the building. In the short time since the occupation, the otherwise stark rooms have been given an air of comfort and permanence certainly rivalling any room in a University Hall. Squatters have so far received no harassment from the police and they have organised among themselves a minimal security arrangement to handle unexpected visitors and to ensure that fellow students in no way damage the building. The occupiers, who prefer to remain anonymous due to hints from University of London officials that their university careers might be affected, stress the legality of the squat and its non-party political nature. They note that even conservative students need a home. Their purpose is to demonstrate in a pratical manner the Barrow is not unique, but provides an industrial setting of importance which has not up to now been properly considered. It is the setting for the construction of the Trident submarines, Britain's so-called 'independent nuclear deterrent'. The last estimated cost was £20 billion. courtesy of The Guardian. Clearly, this is beginning to be seen as an intolerable waste of money even by Tories, let alone the rest of us who are desperately trying to stop a nuclear holocaust. But Barrow is a smallish town with very high umemployment. Vickers who make Trident submarines employ over 20,000 people. If Trident was to go the town would become an industrial wasteland of depressed unemployed people. The solution must be the conversion of the military complex into a socially useful industrial complex. A clear example of how this could work was shown by the Lucas aerospace plan. At last CND is beginning to understand and plan for the economic implications of their policies. They donated £5,000 towards research into conversion and I consider this to be one of the most realistic steps towards nuclear disarmament that CND has taken. Danny Burns of comfort permanence seriousness of the accomodation crisis, which is not confined to the student population, but embraces the population of London as a whole. Their specific demands in negotiations with University officials are for permanent accommodation for students, either at 66 Gower Street or an alternative site, and special temporary acommodation at the beginning of the term to handle the huge influx of homeless students, as well as consideration of the needs of students on travel grants. University offi- cials, in turn, have agreed to enquire into the accommodation problem and the possibility of acquiring another building for student housing, and to delay eviction of the Gower Street squatters. University officials have also however, threatened to instigate legal action, which in cany case, would take three to four weeks to process and would cost hundreds of pounds in legal fees. While the final outcome of the squate is still uncertain, the student campaign built around it has grown exponentially. The students.already have written support from NUS, ULU and a large proportion of London Student Unions. Many motions of support have been passed unanimously, including that of the LSE. The present occupiers of 66-72 Gower Street hope for financial support from LSE SU, since all expenses are currently being paid out of private savings, and ask students to come to Gower St to find a place to stay if they are homeless. Even if you are not homeless, come anyway to give your support and help prevent evictions. Lynn Horton Ali Rahman Jakki Trenbath Beaver 5 November 1984 page 5 L.S.E Students' Union Services THREE TUNS Adnams Real Ale................72p pint Uadworths 6X Real Al8..........78p pint Trumans Best Real Ale..........72p pint Uebsters Best Yorkshire Bitter.59p pint 3ohn Smiths Yorkshire Bitter...64p pint Fosters Lager..................74p pint Holsten Lager..................80p pint Hofmaister Lager...............72p pint Vodka, Whisky, Gin, Uodka, Martini all 50p a shot There will be two promotions this week the first one on Wednesday and the other one on Friday; Wednesday night is New Orleans Night, with a jazz band, the Kings Swingers, and a new Cocktail, called "Mardi Gras"o This will be sold at only 35p a shot from 5pm. Friday night is Real Ale night. Uadworths 6X will only be 50p for a pint. OPENING TIMES: AFTERNOONS 12pm - 2.30pm EVENINGS 5pm - 10.30pm (FRIDAYS 'till 11pm) The Three Tuns offers a wery wide range of beers, lagers, wines and spirits at prices that will make you thirsty. It is cheaper than any of the pubs in the area, or the Beav/ers Retreat. There are going to be two new real ales each month in the Tuns, (he ti>jo real ales soon to oe on sale there will be riarstons Pedigree and BoOdingtons. The Union Shop has a policy of undercutting all the high street shops, such as W.H.Smiths and Rymans. It prov/ides all the stationary that you Could need at the L.S.E. As well as this, the shop also provides: Stamps, to save you the walk to the post office, a new selection of Wholefood and a special offer on stationary of all kinds, (while stocks last.) EXABPLE PRICES U.H.Smiths 2130 leaf pad....... 1.10 1.45 Double pack........ 1,99 2.50 A4 ring binder..... .95 1.50 Blutac............. .55 .62 6" ruler............12 .22 Quink ink.................60 .90 A4 Div/iders........ .30 .80 5 by 3 record cards .42 .80 A4 80 leaf pad..... .70 .90 OPENING TIMES; MONDAY TO THURSDAY 10am - 5pm FRIDAYS 10am - 4pm The Union shop is located in the basement of the East Building, by the quadrangle. Florries coffee bar, situated in the baf.r^ment of the East building, provides the perfect place to retire to after a morning of missing lectures. In fact, it prov/ides the perfect place to miss lectures. Fast, friendly service and a wide variety of cheap snacks makes it the place in the LSE to go if you want to indulge in any form of conversation, wether it be on the subject of politics, football or just general gossip. EXAMPLE PRICES; Tea................14p Pies, pasties etc from..35p Coffee.............18p Real Wholefood from.....35p Rolls from.........20p Drinking Chocolate......22p French Sticks......45p + a wide range of buns. Large Baps.........45p sweets etc. OPENING TIMES; Monday to Thursday 9.30am - 4.30pm Friday 9.30am - 2.30pm Watch out for the new seating area, soon to be opened which will alleviate the recent problem of overpopul-ai-ity. Music videos will provide a good distraction for those not wanting social intercourse. Friday 9th November In Concert For El Salvador »*S0NID0 DE LONDRES** + **Foreign Exchange** Two of the best hi-life bands in London appear on this top double bill. The profits will all go to relief in the war-torn country of El Salvador. TICKETS £2/£3 from Ents room cr Union Shop. Wednesday 14th November "Phil's Birthday Night Surprise." Top rock band PALLAS play in the Old Theatre. Tickets £3.00/£3.50 Union shop or Ents room. £1 off with discount card. Friday 15th November Benefit for the miners. With **Newtown Neurotics*** + **Two supports*** Only £1.50 UB40,Adv,Discount card. £2.00 on door The miners have been out for a very long time. The money raised from this event will go towards food for families suffering because of the strike. If you have any principles at all, attend. tO0Lv\ to Socie[^^> Ij. PLX **'Latest nevv's***Pool Tournament* * *Win a genuine Rockola Jukebox**** Now at last, the Three Tuns Club presents it's very own answer to the Sun Bingo. It has up for grabs a genuine jukebox. To win this remarkable prize all you need to do is to enter the pool tournament in the Tuns. The entrance fee is only £1.50 with a second prize of £20, it has to be great value. For full details of how to enter, ask either Simon Woolings, the bar manager, or Jon Hall, the assistant bar manager. Places are limited, so apply early. Entries have to be in by the end of this week. VICTORY TO THE MINERS page 6 Beaver 5 November 1984 ULTRA VIRES? As the question of what consequences may follow from the Student Union's decision to pay the takings from the games machines comes to a head, SIMON BARNETT investigates the history of the ultra vires issue and interviews the principal characters. i Debit -'•ount they would endanger our charitable status and the benefits that stem from that. He says that even if the Three Tuns Club was truly separate from the Union this is a dangerous argument to follow. He points out that this could lead to the School charging the Three Tuns Club for its cleaning, electricity and heating. He says this is not a political stand, but one of principal; he would equally oppose a payment to the National Coal Board! He stands by his accusation that Donkers-ley lied to the Union. DONKERSLEY (Labour): holds very strongly to his view that NUS have never been clear At the same time as the Miners' Union's funds were being sequestrated in the High Court next door, LSE Student Union's members were queueing to sign a football pool-sized debit note for them. The miners' strike had been goin^ on for eight months; the question of whether to make our payment for six months. The debit note was posted to the East Midlands Co-operative Society shortly after an acrimonious UGM, dominated by the Senior Treasurer's defiance of the will of the meeting. His mood was characterised by his final comment that "this was the most stupid thing that the Union had ever done" and his promise that "the money would not be paid." There is still some confusion about which resolution the debit note has been made out under. The original motion from last March was declared • constitutional but the new motion was also carried. The payment itself appears to fall between both; the amount is that of the original motion, but the destination, the East Midlands Co-op, was that suggested (but not voted on) at this meeting. THE HISTORY A year ago the Attorney General, alarmed at what he considered improper uses of Student Unions' money, issued guidance on the question of ultra vires. Although this has not been tested in the courts, it strongly asserts that Student Unions' charitable funds would be put at risk by payments to political causes. This was followed by advice from the National Union of Students (NUS) on how to avoid making payments from charitable funds that might be declared ultra vires. At the UGM on the 26th April an Emergency Motion was passed by a simple majority to pay the takings of the Three Tuns Club's Gaming Machines to the Miners' Strike Fund. John Donkersley, then Senior Treasurer told the meeting that NUS had assured him that, as the Three Tuns Club had a separate constitution, the payment should not be ultra vires. Donkersley added that in any case, he had been advised to make such payments until challenged. This was objected to by Mike Moszynski, then Senior Treasurer Elect, but he was defeated and immediately lodged an appeal with the Constitution Committee. A notice was put on the games machines and the money began to amass. This notice had been removed by the time Moszynski took office, but he announced later that some £4,000 had been collected. Only £23 had been paid out by the end of term. During the summer public statements in newspapers revealed that both the new sabbaticals were taking a similar hard line against ultra vires payments. Moszynski reaffirmed his stand strongly in the Student Union Handbook, whilst Ed Lucas the General Secretary, said that he would do what the Union wished, subject to his conscience and the law. Behind the scenes the (jovern-ment's Treasury Solicitor was pressing to find out what was happening. He reasserted his view that the games machines profits were part of the Union's funds and was supported in this by the Union's accountants. Both sabbaticals wrote back to the Treasury Solicitor to restate their refusal anyway to make such payments. By the second Union meeting of the new term, students were pressing to find out why their money had not yet gone to the miners. Lucas then amazed the meeting by announcing that he was, after all, prepared to make the payment. He also gave notice of his own motion to pay the money to the miners. A newly elected Constitution Committee was however, first asked to consider Moszynski's outstanding appeal. The Committee's decision, ratified at the next UGM was that the money belonged to the Three Tuns Club and not to the Student Union; accordingly they dismissed the appeal. Interestingly though, they recommended measures to avoid such possible confusion in future. Meanwhile the Finance Committee had resolved that no ultra vires payment should be made and nor should procedures be changed to allow such payments. It was whilst giving this report to the UGM that Moszynski accused Donkersley of having lied to the original meeting about the advice he had received from NUS. Moszynski was waving the letter, received that day from NUS, which said that they had told Donkersley that such uSe of games machines money was not really permissible. Moszynski's report was thrown out by the meeting and the difference between the two sabbaticals quickly came to a head. Lucas, cheered by the Left, passed his motion by two-thirds to authorise the payment and to suspend Standing Orders to obviate the need for staff to risk signing. As the outsize debit note was circulating and collecting 200 signatures, Moszynski replied to a question by saying that he could only accept the Union's decisions as sovereign when it was acting within its Constitution. FIVE VIEWS LUCAS (Liberal): believes that he has properly advised the Union of the consequences of an ultra vires declaration by the courts. He has said that we are risking an expensive, lengthy and frustrating legal battle. We should at least try, he says, to make the payment and he believes that he has tried to find a way that is within the spirit, if not the letter, of the law. He claims that his volte face came about because he was persuaded, at the start of term, that to have taken money under false pretences was more serious than the likely consequences of an ultra vires declaration. If however, these consequences proved dire he would refer the matter back to the Union for further consideration. He strongly advocates a separate company for any future similar payments which might be questioned. MOSZYNSKI (Independent Student): Is clear that he stood for election on a clear promise not to make ultra vires payments. He has re-stated this frequently, and says he intends to stand by it; even if censured he says he would seek reelection on the issue. He believes that it is his duty to consider the interests of all students, not just those who participate in Union meetings. He maintains he must resist ultra vires payments because in their advice on the question of ultra vires. He particularly points to their failure to respond to a long letter he wrote to them asking for advice on how to make a legal payment. He continues to assert that his assurance to the Union was based on NUS advice to make the payments until challenged. He further relies upon the claim that the Three Tuns is a separate body and that therefore, the payment is not ultra vires. He points to NUS's own advice to support him in this and uses the example of Bristol University Student Union, who make similar payments. He believed in any case, that the consequences, were the payment ultra vires, would fall upon him rather than the Union. If he was still in office he would still make the payment. NATIONAL UNION OF STUDENTS: in a conversation with Seaner just before we went to press, NUS confirmed that they advised Donkersley that such a payment should not be made, as in their view the Three Tuns Club was not truly separate from the Student Union. They further confirmed on the record that Donkersley had said at the time that his politics did not allow him to agree with their advice. GROVES (Conservative): reminds us that he challenged an earlier attempt (the LSE Sixteen) to make an ultra vires payment. On the issue of taking money under false pretences he says that those who played the machines should blame Donkersley who he claims knew that his successor would not be able to make the payments. He has urged the Senior Treasurer to take legal action to prevent the payment and will do so himself if necessary. He says that he has instructed a solicitor and intends to take out an injunction against the General Secretary. He bases his action on the belief that the Union is acting outside its Constitution. He says that his action is an individual one, but that he has the moral support of fellow Conservatives. LATEST MOVES At the time of writing the debit had been presented to the East Midlands Co-op's bank, but they had refused it and asked for a cheque instead. Our bank have been supplied with copies of the Union Minutes in an effort to prove the legality of the debit note. It is widely believed that the Treasury Solicitor has written to our bank, and possibly also the School, warning that the payment may be illegal. When telephoned by Beaver for confirmation, the Treasury Solicitor had no comment to make. The stage seems set for confrontation. TP THE. MIHE.RS ARE. HUNQRV I SUQqE.ST WE. SLNDTHEM THIS,WITH IWSTRUCTIONS FOR US£ ' ^ J Election iSpeciall The Candidates andlthe IssuesI When the American electorate reaches for the lever on November 6th, what will be going through its collective mind? How are the candidates viewed by Americans and which issues stand out as the most important? The average voter, when he goes to the polls, will not be voting on the issues as much as she or he will be voting on the images. The following article tries first to capture the image each candidate projects and then to highlight the issues he is trumpeting. Finally, the major criticisms of the candidates are treated. Walter Mondale is depicted by his supporters as the man who will restore a sense of humanity to the policy-making process in Washington. The Democratic Party made both the "fairness issue" and support from the "Rainbow Coalition" the themes of its National Convention this summer. Mondale argues that Reagan has unfairly turned his back on many less fortunate minority groups, the Rainbow Coalition, in order to increase the prosperity of white, male business interests. In his keynote address to the '84 Convention, Mario Luomo, the Governor of New York State, described the divided society Reagan policy is germinating in terms of a split city, one shining and prosperous which the President advances as a cover for his unfair policies which exploit the less fortunate who dwell behind the glittering facade of an uneven recovery in an opportunity-less ghetto. The Rainbow Coalition, a phrase borrowed from the unsuccessful primary campaign of the Rev. Jesse Jackson, consists of Blacks, the elderly, Hispanics, the poor, stu- dents, the unemployment, labourers and women. Proposed Mondale policy changes will guard these groups against the socially Darwinistic forays of the Conservatives by increasing the funding of social programmes and implementing new legislation to disburse more evenly the benefits of economic recovery. Mondale's proposals for Blacks and Hispanics include increased support for affirmative action programmes, prevention of new discriminatory legislation, and the liberation of the Civil Rights Commission from its Reagan appointees. Funding would be increased for student loans, medicare/medi-cade, environmental protection, low income housing, families with dependent children and the unemployed hospital patient. Tarrifs and quotas are the key to reversing the trend away from jobs in manufacturing and heavy industries according to Mondale, and he would also ease the transition of displaced workers by creating national job training and placement centres. Both gays and women would benefit under Mondale from legislation designed to prevent procedural discrimination on the basis of sexual preference or gender. Finally, the elderly's social security programme would continue to operate at present benefit levels if they could not be expanded. Return to humanity and sanity In the realm of foreign policy Walter Mondale promises a return to humanity and sanity as well. If elected, one of Mondale's first moves would be to arrange a summit meeting with Constantine Chernenko in order to end the stockpiling of weapons which is escalating toward assured destruction. Rejecting the viability of "Star-wars" weaponry, the Democrats favour negotiating a freeze on 1 i i both the development and deployment of nuclear weapons. The freed funds would be directed to the more urgent needs outlined above. Mondale would pay closer attention to human rights and international law in formulating American policy. No government, no matter how vital to US interests (eg. El Salvador) would receive US aid if they violated human rights and the CIA should play no role in the destabilization of foreign governments (eg. Nicaragua). Mondale believes that the US should never have had a presence in Beirut. Critics of Mondale argue that his domestic policies reflect his patronage of interest groups and that his foreign policy is too soft. Mondale, the critics say, is a captive of the interest groups which he is trying to ride to victory. He has sought and received the endorsement of many politically active organisations such as the National Organisation of Women, the Grey Panthers, the AFL-CIO, and the Gay and Lesbian Alliance. These commitments place him so far left that the "average American voter" feels alienated if not threatened by his resulting proposals. He would have to raise taxes and cut defence just to find the estimated $40 billion it will take to satisfy all his campaign promises. Mondale's detractors believe that if you do not like the size of the deficit under Reagan, then just wait until Mondale gets a hold of the purse. Too dovish Mondale is too dovish on defence and foreign policy for his critics. Instability in Central America directly threatens US security, and Mondale's 20/ 20 hindsight in the Lebanon is nice, but the President made the right choice at the time. Moreover, Mondale's view of the Soviets as faithful bargainers is naive. Ronald Reagan's image is one of strength, courage, and patriotism. His strength at the polls reflects a new optimism that Americans feel for themselves and for their country, largely based on the strongest economic recovery since 1945. Reagan said that there would be a boom without inflation and unemployment would tumble -and there was. The President said he would make America strong again so that our enemies would no longer neglect the consquences of confrontation - and he did. Reagan promised to bring to office a renewed sense of morality and justice for the common man - and he has. Reagan preaches freedom Above all Ronald Reagan preaches freedom. He points to the renewed vigour of the economy and says that his scheme of deregulation and reduced taxes has caused it. He believes children should have the freedom to pray in school, and the rights of the unborn must be protected, any Supreme Court Justices he may appoint will reflect these beliefs. He has promised to do everything possible to avoid raising taxes because all the fat has not yet been trimmed from social programmes. Tarrifs and quotas on imports are inadvisable; the US economy is resilient enough to withstand foreign competition and must shift to reflect world 1 m m m manufacturing conditions in order to retain its strength. Basically, Reagan's domestic policies tend to sacrifice spending for target individual sections in order to free the economy of distortive intervention. A full economy will maximise income nationally generating the most good for all America. On defence issues Reagan believes that the Russians will only negotiate from a position of superiority and that they cannot be trusted to follow the letter or spirit of any arms agreement without the rigour of on-site inspection. Reagan wants to develop an advanced space defence system rendering nuclear missiles useless and then share the technology with the Russians so that all nuclear weapons are removed. The Soviet Union is basically expansionist and a re-elected Reagan would contrive to fight the Russians at their periphery by increasing aid to the Nicara-guan rebels, the government of El Salvador, the Afghan rebels, and the people of Grenada. Reagan believes that Lebanon should not be dominated by Syria. Reagan's critics point out that the man who was elected to bring the US a balanced budget now is presiding over the largest deficit in history. The deficit they point out, is ruining America's agricultural sector and other export-oriented, as well as import sensitive sectors, by keeping interest rates high and the dollar strong. Reagan is too willing to ride the wave of recovery and ignore possible adjustments that would more evenly distribute prosperity. One consistent complaint has been that the Reagan administration was composed of dishonest individuals such as Ann Burford and Raymond Donovan. The newest criticism of Reagan is that he has lost his grip over the presidency, that he is too old to lead effectively. Trigger-happy hawk The President's detractors envision him as a trigger-happy hawk who is leading the world down the road to a nuclear cataclysm. His tough anti-Soviet rhetoric has alienated the Soviet Union. Worse, his foreign policy in general has been disjointed and has lacked insight into the regions in which it was to be implemented. The section on Reagan was purposefully shorter and less specific than the treatment of Modale because an incumbent, and especially an incumbent who believes he has been successful, runs not upon a platform of change, but instead upon his record of accomplishment. Also Reagan has attempted to focus attention on the strength of the US recovery and the perceived strengthening of the US world position, believing that if America thinks it is better off than it was 4 years ago, he will win. Alternatively Mondale must raise issues, take stances and force the President to respond in order to develop any discontent and expose any injustice which may exist. The "84 election is a classic confrontation between a liberal and a conservative. The man who succeeds in capturing the middle ground will win; Reagan with his patriotic appeal to the common man's values successfully did that in 1980. Mondale's task has been to convince the electorate that Reagan's image is really just a facade and that he knows of a better direction for America. Michael Rose pages Beaver 5 November 1984 An Interview with JEAN DENTON: LSE Graduate, Businesswoman and Racing Driver. Over the coming year, Beaver will be tracking down and interviewing graduates of the LSE who have made a mark in the world. We hope to cover a wide range of spheres of activity and to range among the famous, the original, the controversial and the lesser-known but not less interesting alumni of the School. Our series starts with JEAN DENTON, Managing Director of Herondrive, who was an undergraduate at LSE from 1955-1958 and has been on the Board of Governors since 1982. Her achievements and interests include British Women's Racing Champion 1968 and 1969, Fellow of the British Marketing Institute, Organiser for the charity "Women on the Move Against Cancer", and Vice-President of the National Organisation of Women's Management Education. "I find it heartbreaking that so few women take on the world." This remark underUnes Jean Denton's absolute faith in the ability of women to do just that. intended to stay in the job market: "I love my work. I never desperately wanted kids, never agonized over it." She recognized how difficult this choice must be and knows that she wouldn't be where she is today if she had kids. "It is a fact that women can't do both, whereas men at the top use their families as support teams." A major source of encouragement was her father, a point she feels is common among women at the top - "father's girls". His utter support and loyalty secured the feeling that someone, somewhere knew how she felt. "He always assumed his daughter could do it...Although my racing made him shit results are different. "If a girl wins, it is the car not the driver, but as Managing Director the focus is on you, you are measured by the bottom line." Recognising the advantages of being a woman does not stop Jean from being aware of the disadvantages. She believes that the system is male-oriented and it is this structure that holds women back. The informal sturcture - the male network - works against women. "Women have to be exceptional to get to the top, they have to be determined and above average." Not only does she resent time wasted in proving one's competence whereas 'I find it heart- Jean is Managing Director of Herondrive, a branch of Gerald Ronson's Heron Group, a position that demands absolute confidence. "You aren't paid to do anythig else." This confidence has come with experience. "Later you discover that you can push water up hills." Before leaving school, Jean wanted to be a political agent: "a typical woman's attitude to be supportive, to be number 2 and not number 1." Having won a scholarship to LSE, she specialized in Government. "After leaving LSE I had little confidence. I took a job that didn't even need a degree." She married and moved with her husband to Newcastle where she worked for Proctor and Gamble. Although her career was "unstructured", she always breaking that so on the world" scared, he was there..." From 1967-71, Jean was a professional racing driver. She considered this to be a luxury she could only afford because her husband was paying off the mortgage. She won the British Women's Racing Championship in 1968 and retained the title in 1969. With backing from Woman Magazine and Nova she successfully competed in the London to Mexico World Cup Rally and the London to Sydney run. These rallies were mixed races. "Although you can't outdrive men, you can outcompete them." Her strategy for competition exploits women's greatest asset - underestimation by men. This strategy also applies in business, but the few women take an average man is assumed competent, but also laments the lack of "middle women". However, positive discrimination is not a workable option. She believes it provides unreal protection. "What is needed is encouragement. Women need to overcome their fear of what they don't know. What they don't realise is that it is no more than common sense and the ability to get things done that leads to success." Jean is Vice-President of the National Organisaion for Women's Management Education, which works with Lucy Cavendish College Cambridge. This college is geared towards older women and women with kids. It provides a source of information and knowledge WHY RACISTS AND FASCISTS HAVE NO RIGHT TO FREE SPEECH At the UGM of October application of the principle in 11th, the Union policy of 'No Platform for racists and fascists' was overturned in favour of a policy which allegedly 'restored democracy' to the LSE. The people who supported the policy of No Platform were branded, among other things, as left-wing fascists'. Since the week beginning 22 October, London Student Movement has launched a campaign to reinstate the No Platform policy, to prevent our college from being used as a forum for the promotion and dissemination of racist and fascist ideology. The No Platform policy has a years-long tradition in the student movement, as the concrete defeating fascism - that fascists have no right to organise. In the 1970's, there occurred a massive upsurge of the people in Britain against the growing danger of fascism, against the gradually increasing activities of the nazi gangs and parties like the National Front (NF) and the British Movement (BM). In the communities, the people came out to defeat the nazi attempts to parade themselves in the streets, hold meetings, and generally attempt to gain political respectability. The militant struggles which took place in areas such as Lewisham, Digbeth, Southall were decisive, in that the nazis were actually prevented from marching. Since then they have largely been forced to change their tactics. In this anti-fascist struggle the students played a very important role, but student anti-fascism did not end there. They took the principle that fascists have no right to organise in their colleges, which resulted in massive opportunities to the race theorists like Jensen and Eysenck, and culminated in the adoption by NUS of the policy of No Platform for Racists and Fascists. Ever since it was adopted however, the No Platform policy has been under constant attack from the state, and its friends in the student movement. No Platform is just a policy, and the attacks on it have always been defeated, albeit after a struggle. It is just a policy because racism and fascism are the hated enemies ¦of the people, which seek to deprive the people of their rights and liberties, and sometimes their lives. It is just a policy because to allow fascists the right to organise is a denial of democratic rights; for democratic rights to be preserved, fascism must be wiped out. The experience of fascism in the 1930's, the anti-fascist world war, and the principles that emerged at Potsdam and Yalta are still relevant today. The Potsdam and Yalta Conferences declared that "fascists have no right to organise", that fascism denied democracy; and in the free elections organised after the war, fascist parties were not allowed to stand on this basis. Today in Britain we once again face the dangers of fascism - not mainly from the nazi gangs, but more and more from the state itself. Massive attacks are being launched against the rights of the people - through the anti-union ligislation, the massive attacks on the striking miners and their communities; through the racist laws like the British Nationality Act, and the general racist police attacks; through the massive strengthening of police powers, culminating in the Police Bill; through the attacks on the peace movement. This trend is apparent to anyone who has eyes to see and who cares to look. In relation to these developments, the universities are not neutral. The rich attempt to use the colleges too, in their development of fascism and all kinds of reactionary and mili- about how to get back into the system. "This supportive idea is different from protection." She feels that it is important to cater for the different needs and development patterns of women, particularly those who have kids - "otherwise the next generation suffers from this waste of talent...If men are so good, why is the economy so rotten?" Female mafia Care seems to be her motto. As Managing Director, she feels tremendous responsibility, not only for her staff, but also because of her debt to other women. "If Herondrive fails, it is not Jean Denton that has failed, but a woman can't do it." She is grateful for all the support she has had, particularly from Elaine, her assistant and "right arm'. Elaine entered Jean for the Female Executive of the Year Award which she won in 1982. Other women in the motoring trade have also been very supportive. "You can't afford to have doubts, but women have common ground, they can share problems. A woman will never let another woman down." This slowly spreading counter-network, she calls the development of the "female mafia'. 'Not a feminist" Despite her empathies with women, Jean does not consider herself a feminist. "The problem with feminism is that it believes it is easy for men. As prejudiced as they are, this is not so." She feels it is important for women to get in, become involved and operate from within. She is horrified by bla-tent discrimination. For example, the RAC Club won't have women members. She could have joined as a member of the FIAT Group but not as herself. '"I don't want to stop being a woman; it's too high a price to pay." She doesn't want to be perfect at everything, but to encourage the rough with the smooth. ""Where is it written that you should be happy? Make what you want out of it but it doesn't walk towards you." A woman at the top who has remained 'human' through and through. Jane Wagner tarist ideology. They are trying to prepare people's minds to accept fascism, to give it credence and respectability. For these purposes", the likes of Eysenck are promoted; Brons, an open nazi, is allowed to ""teach" at Harrogate; racists and reactionaries are invited to give lectures and speeches. The danger of fascism is real, and must be opposed. Anyone who is serious in opposing fascism whatever their other political or religious views, must unite in action, and apply the principle that fascists have no right to organise. At a public meeting organised by LSM, it was decided to establish a committee to reinstate No Platform, on the broadest possible unity and around correct principles. The activities of the committee will include a debate with those who oppose No Platform, a public meeting in support of the Newham Seven, the showing of an anti-fascist film, regular bulletins, etc. Anyone who opposes fascism and supports the No Platform principle is welcome to attend its meetings and help organise events. Indeijeet Parmar Beaver 5 November 1984 page 9 THE LONDON ARTS IRISH TBAGEDT The critics have been competing amongst themselves to offer the most praise for this film after it won the Palme d'Or at Cannes this year. However, when you read the reviews eager to find what is so good about "the art film of the year" you find them curiously reticent. Diligently copied from press releases, they write about eveiy-thing from the fihn's cash-flow problems to the Director's love-life. "But what about the film?" you ask. "Is the hype justified - can a film be this good?" Quite simply, no. Paris, Texas is a very bad - very good film. It is produced by professionals, is ambitious and takes itself seriously. The production team must know a great deal about film history - it has every cliche in the book. In Wim Wenders' epic, every crucial scene has been laboured and sweated over - and repeated several times. Travis (Harry Dean Stanton) is searching for his wife Jane (Kas-tassia Kinski) who had left him four years earher. He collapses from exhaustion, having crossed the Mexican border into Texas on foot. A doctor contacts his brother Walt (Dean Stockwell) who takes the next plane out from Los Angeles. After several delays, Walt manages to take Travis home with PARIS, TEXAS him to Los Angeles to meet Travis's son Hunter who had virtually been adopted by Walt and his wife in his absence. Father and son accept one another gradually. Then they set out to find the wife and mother who had disappeared so mysteriously four years earlier. Travis, the leading character refuses to speak for the first hour -even to his own brother. No reason is given for this at all. In fact Paris, Texas is cluttered with loose ends. Why does a Los Angeles housewife speak with a heavy french accent? Why does Travis decide to walk to Texas? Why doesn't he ever sleep? Is he a zombie - perhaps that explains why he steals all the family's shoes and pohshes them one morning. Why did he want to find his wife after four years - why not ten - why at all? What has driven a young mother to disown her child and work in a kinky version of a peep show? There is an attempt at a psychological explanation of the motives of the characters which is too disjointed to succeed. Paris, Texas is the place where Travis believes that he was conceived and where he buys a plot of land. Now and again he whips out a photo of his property - but the idea itself is not followed through. Also, Walt's wife, Anne (Anrore Clement) is supposedly attracted to Travis, which in the context of the film and the way in which the characters have been developed, is wildly improbable. The possible explaination is that Travis, unlike Walt, is a father. But Travis is so unsure of himself in this role that he is reduced to asking the maid how to dress and act the part. Sam Shepard's basic stoiyline is good but without elaboration it fails to sustain interest in a film lasting 144 minutes. Some judicious cutting might have helped to make it more coherent, as the few attempts at elaboration are distracting rather than enlightening. Paris, Texas is a long way from being the worst film released this year but it is too confused in purpose to be outstanding either. Its tone of weighty seriousness is the thing which makes its flaws unforgivable. Why then did it win the prize at the Cannes Film Festival? Perhaps its art-house production, set in America appealed. Whatever the reason, it is a very good example of the Emperor's clothes. Mark Pierce Charles Walker There is a tendency to assume that any film, novel, or play set in Northern Ireland seeks to make a political point about the situation that exists there. This is not so of "Cal". But, neither is "Cal" the tragic love story depicted in the advertising for the film. "Cal" is a delicate, passionate story of a young Irishman, Cal McCluskey (John I^ynch). A quiet, sensitive youth, he finds himself estranged from, and manipulated by, the society in which he lives. He is alienated by the violence, from which he constantly seeks to • escape, and finds himself a stranger from his surly father - excellently played by Donal McCann. Despite this detatchment from his environment, due to his unemployment, Cal is buffetted around emotionally and physically by both sides in the Irish conflict. Beaten by Loyalist thugs, the Army, the RUC, and intimidated by the IRA, he is a victim of Ireland's history of hatred and violence. Marcella, played by Helen Mir-ren, seems to be an escape for Cal from the sordid web in which he is trapped. The two come together through a shared sense of alienation rather than spontaneous love. the monster that is the tragedy of Ireland. Director and author seek to convey no political message, except that violence both directly and indirectly ruins peoples Uves. The violence and injustice perpetrated by all sides is shown, but the portrayal of the IRA through the sadistic Crilly and the conniving godfather who indulges in personal vendettas shows no real hint of the idealism that many who might commit themselves to such an organisation possess. One historical inaccuracy is that while the violence (the burning out, the kneecappings, the indiscriminate bombings) belongs to the early seventies, the setting is firmly in the eighties. There is much to eiyoy in "Cal". O'Connor's use of imageiy is always relevant and effective, as with the recurring references to the abbat-toir. The photography is considered and impressive, scenic shots of the Irish countiyside instil an air of tranquillity against a backdrop of violence. The more dramatic incidents are excellently portrayed and well matched by Mark Knopfler's jarring score. However, Knopfler's attempt at poignant Irish airs are not always so successful. Cal - a rose between two thorns? The slow development of the love affair provides the film with a framework and a sense of cohen-sion, as does the controlled performance of Helen Mirren, who holds the film together. In the sex scene O'Connor's imagery suggests that romance has no part to play and that Cal, haunted by his past and the sectarian violence, is going through a ritual of excommunication. Heavily influencing Cal's story is CONAN GETS A BASTING This "high adventure" not surprisingly, takes place in the era of high adventure, which was apparently some time before the last ice age. It is a notoriously obscure period, so it is perhaps a little unfair to ask why the principal characters should be dressed in what seems to be a mixture of Mogul, Samurai and Viking fighting gear, or why the cast should represent possibly every race under the sun. Indeed there seems to be some ambiguity as to where the action is actually supposed to be taking place. The roaming crew find themselves being cut from medieval European villages, to pine forests, to barren deserts, to mountains, leaving the audience mystified as to exactly where they are. None of this of course detracts from the plot which is gripping. Gonan takes his princess from a castle and travels witli her and others on what appears to be a very long journey to another castle, which collapses when they leave to return to the first castle, which collapses when they arrive. All very exciting and implausible stuff, but in a world in which Crystals hold the key to kife, one man can head off armies, magicians do extraordinary things to other people and their psyches, statues turn to monsters, 21-year-old Hollywood nymphomaniac virgins exist, and everyone lives happily ever afl;er: anything is possible. There are however, some delightful moments. The viciously feline Orace Jones should please feminists, whilst the ape-like tones of Arnold Schwarzenegger as Conan should appeal to the Rugby Club. Grace and Arnold take on the world "Cal" is an entertaining and important film, definately a work that is well worth seeing. It is a work in which Ireland's open sores play a loud and large part. But essentially it is a personal and moving story of a young man who is trapped and becomes an inevitable victim of the society in which he cannot help but live. Nathalia Berkowltz Sean O'Neil. The eccentric Zen wizard who accompanies Conan specialises in the most extraordinary noises and proves to be quite amusing. Apart from these three, and the moronic princess Jehnna, the world before the last ice age seems to have been inhabited by a pretty nasty bunch of people. It is hardly surprising, then, that Conan has to kill so many of them - seems reasonable to me. Anyway, needless to say eveiy-thing ends happily except for Conan, who, we are told, must continue his journeys to find the kingdom which is rightfully his -probably somewhere on the West Coast of what is now called the USA. A final warning. Beware of him who calls himself Bambaata - he is no good. Toby Kramers page 10 Beaver'5 November 1984 ROUGH CROSSING theatre Two Into One is one of the recent spate of plays aimed at the immorality of public figures, particularly politicians. The play takes place in a smart London hotel, where the "Number Two at the Home Office", the Right Honorouble Richard Wil-ley MP (Donald Sinden) and his American wife Pamela (Barbara Murray) are staying. The seemingly respectable MP then plans to lose his wife for the afternoon while he indulges in a "bit of the other" with one of the Prime Minister's typists. All this is to be arranged by the MP's unsuspecting EPS George Pidgen (Michael Williams );'the presence of a female anti-vice Labour MP, a Chinese waiter and various unwanted and unexpected husbands becomes too much for an ah-eady flustered PPS, who resorts to using pseudonyms to extricate himself and his master from an impossible mess. The play is a modern farce, typical of the newly-formed Theatre of Comedy Company , which is at present also staging Ran for yotu Wife, Loot and Intimate Exchanges. Ray Cooney uses the comedy of manners and double and mistaken identities to their limit. Only the sure touch of Michael TWO INTO ONE Williams as the PPS prevents the complex system of pseudonyms from reducing the play to utter confusion and it is he, rather surprisingly, who dominates the illustrious cast. Donald Sinden, needless to say, fits magnificently into his part with his deep resonant voice, and magnanimous bearing; he encounters the increasingly confused problems with just the right amount of outrage, disbelief and dwindling patience. A strong supporting cast includes the vastly experienced Lionel Jeffries as the staunch hotel manager, Derek Royle, surely the only English Chinese waiter capable of a forward flip without spilling a drop of brandy from the glass he was holding and the alluring Linda Hayden (famous for her film roles as the victim of many a horrific murderer) as the object of the MP's passion. The scene changes are very slick, due mainly to a striking new 'roll-on roll-off method which enabled one scene to fade into another without the slightest of pauses between them, thus sustaining the comic suspense to great effect. It had only one noticeable drawback: it was as much a novelty to the actors as it was to the audience which meant that as the new set fitted into place, the actors were frequently caught off balance by their own forward momentum. Two Into One is a very daring and ambitious play. Frequent references are made to current politicians, and some certainly might be considered slightly offensive, but the play is essentially lighthearted and its implications should not be taken too seriously. The ambitious nature of the play places it beyond the capabihties of many amateur directors - even where the Director and the writer are one and the same and the cast so experienced, the production verged on confusion - this due to the multitude of assumed names where the audience had only just grasped the alias before the character finds himself renamed once more. All things considered, the play is very funny and well worth seeing. It proceeds at a furious pace, and demands a certain amount of concentration, but that is a small sacrifice for something that will leave you chuckling for hours afterwards. Andrew Oldland Question: when is a comedy not a comedy? Answer: when even after being doused with free wine at the box-office when they found out that we were "press", the reviewer could not even muster so much as a smirk. Performed by the Cliff Hanger Theatre Company, one supposes that "Gymslip Vicar" is one of those "silly" plays. I was told by someone who did etgoy it that I would not appreciate the humour on offer. Notwithstanding this attack on my 6TMSLIP VICAR ability to have a laugh, I went in with an open mind. The plot, it seems, is based around a cassette-recorded account of the adventures of a policeman who has been missing for eight weeks. The story is made "surreal" by the introduction of a psychic housewife, an unscrupulous journalist, a degenerate adolescent with a dead twin brother, and a symbolic lettuce-dryer. Confusion abounds as characters are swapped and the journalist takes the opportunity to concoct a bizarre stoiy of the "gymslip vicar" variety. , The result was described in The Guardian as "a mixture of Carrie and An Inspector Calls". If tasteless and grotesque humour is your thing, go and see it. Unfortunately it is not mine, so I felt compelled to leave after the first act. Iqbal Wahhab. Tom Stoppard's latest play at the National is a pretty smooth performance, awash with glitter and style. Uolnar's original work 'Play in a Castle' is adapted by Stoppard to become musical comedy set on an ocean liner during a Rongh Crossing. A theatrical troupe, complete with temperamental stars, camp playwrights and moody composer, are bound for Broadway. The plot concerns the attempts of the two writers to smooth over the emotional entanglements of their leading players and their collaborator, the composer. apart, there is much to enjoy, for style and sheer humour shine out of the work. The set and the acting are alike polished, detailed and a delight to watch. The actors themselves seem to eiyoy performing this witty, carefree farce. With superb confidence, John Standing and Hiall Buggy present the long-standing 'marriage' of two camp playwrights with shades of Noel Coward never far away. Their virtue is to keep their archness within bounds, leaving room for individual personality. The ageing and greying erstwhile The simplicity of the plot mechanism acts as a frame for Stoppard's wit. The musical comedy in rehearsal at sea "The Cruise of the Dodo" is a cue for characteristic Stoppar-dian motifs: theatrical pastiche and wordplay in plenty. Nautical language receives hilarious treatment from Dvornichek, the cabin steward without sea-legs - "this boat was designed by a lunatic. Sir." The absurdities of emotional cliches -"you plucked out my heart like an olive from a dry martini" and dated unreal theatrical modes are illuminated in sparkling manner. Stoppard's linguistic dexterity shows a supremacy of technique without any coherent central focus. Compared with his previous foray into the world of musical comedy in Jumpers , ideas are lacking. He relies on the plot to hold the play together, which is structurally unwise. The first half promises more than is fulfilled. This quibble matinee idol appears in the languid Ivor Fish (Robin Bailey) , romantically linked to Natasha , the beautiful actress (Sheila Oish) whose looks are fading with the years. They dream of their glorious dramatic careers in days gone by, a marked contrast to rehearsing an incomplete, incomprehensible musical comedy in a force ten gale with a composer threatening suicide and resignation at regular intervals. The stage glitters with the mythical elegance of balmy nights in port. Gold and white wooden decks provide a backdrop of floating' luxury for Peter Wood's immaculate direction. Musical interludes lighten the line of the farce. Rough Crossing offers escape into a lost world of sinking grandeur where life was literally a performance. Frivolity and froth rule the waves. Nicola Shaldon TO MARIE WITH LOVE Qymslip Vicar To Uarie with Love, is both written and performed by Pauline Devaney and reveals the life and character of the remarkable Marie Stopes (1880-1988). Marie Stopes, who as a young woman was the first female, and the youngest ever Doctor of Science in the country, grew up to become a poet, playwright, bests'elling author and agony aunt to her many readers. Through her works, she was responsible for enlightening thousands of people on the subject of contraception and the possibility that sex could be pleasurable, (despite the fact that her first marriage was never consummated and she failed to experience personally the enjoyment she preached to her tragically uninformed audience). The play is cleverly devised and brilliantly performed in the tiny Gate Theatre. Pauline Devaney immediately strikes up a rapport with her audience; "Do you like my dress?" she gaily inquires within two minutes of her entrance and ,already the audience is captured, nodding and laughing. Despite the fact that To Marie with Love is a one-woman show there is never a static moment; we meet Marie Stopes's husbands, lovers, witness her notorious court case, and watch entranced as this flamboyant character is transformed from a gauche excited schoolgirl, to a confident and scandalously outspoken middle-aged lady, and finally to a senile and mentally sick old woman. Considering the short length of the play (only one hour), and the fact that she receives no help from make-up or costume, the play has great depth and Pauline Devaney ¦produces an outstanding performance. However, after so short a time, we are left with a feeling of dissatisfaction - we want to know more of this complex, frustrated, often cruel and selfish, yet in many respects admirable woman. There is a possibility that the script may be extended for a new run of performances; if so it is something you should not miss. Francesea Joseph Beaver 5 November 1984 page 11 NINETEEN^ EIGHTY-FOUR As 1984 draws to a close, interest in Orwell is again aroused. In this issue we review the stage adaptation of his novel Animal Farm and the film version of 1984 , and also publish two personal views of the man who has made this year so famous. 1984: A Review The film 1984, on general release is conversely, a fine attempt to capture tlie atmosphere of Orwell's darkest novel. Scripted and directed by Michael Radford, 1984 is a very close adaptation; rather than an interpretation. This works well as the sepulchral visions of the novel are successfully translated on to the screen. The opening scene depicts the power of the masses, and the hysteria it can create. A grinding voice begins the daily Two Minute Hate Programme dedicated to Emmanuel Goldstein, "the earliest defiler of the party's purity." This is followed hy a period of totalitarian propoganda when the giant telescreen shows smiling farmhands happily at work producing acres of harvest for Oceania. It is uncannily reminiscent of the '30s p'ropoganda films produced by Stalin's apparatchiks during the height of the purges. Winston Smith's miserable existence contradicts the orderly image of Oceania. His daily life is an unquestionable routine, supplemented by regular doses of Victory Gin, with evenings spent wandering in the proletarian sectors. His suspect loyalty to Big Brother and The Party is exploited by Julia, the seductress, and Hr Charrington (a deceptive Cyril Casack),who lets out the room above his antique shop to Smith, and tantaUzes him with rhymes of 'long ago': Oranges and Lemons, say the bells of St Clement's Ton owe me three farthings, say the bells of St Martin's Juha's tempting journey takes Winston to the countryside, where lis hatred of The Party is completed, where rebellion begins. The revolt however, is shortlived. The Thought Police arrest him, and Smith is quickly whisked away to the interrogation centre where his famous war of wits with O'Brien takes place. This sustained piece of celluloid torture inspires John Hnrt (as Winston Smith) to deliver another superb performance. His brilliant portrayal climaxes when put under relentless pressure from O'Brien, Doublethink is a torment for Smith: his muddled mind cannot distinguish between what he feels is right, and what is correct according to The Party. O'Brien exercises this pyrronhism mercilessly, subjecting Smith to Room 101. His physical and mental exhaustion, and rejection of rebellion are completed in this room. He returns, a pathetic subdued figure to the monotony of life in 1984. This is Snzanna Hamilton's debut as Julia. She is quite successful in depicting the plain charmless qualities which are the hallmarks of. Oceania's character. A lot has been written about Bichard Burton's last performance. It is hightly competent, but never outstanding - not because he was incapable of delivering memorable performances, but merely because the character of O'Brien is limited in scope. The outstanding feature of the film though, are the locations. Michael Deakin, the photographer, was able to find scenes of total dereliction within London which are more reminiscent of war-torn Berlin. The atmosphere of 1984 is morose, and its pace sullen. O'Brien 'asks' Smith to think of the future of humanity as a jackboot increasingly "stamping on your face". That is the State of Oceania, her population manipulated to the point of brutalization. Orwell may well have approved of the film because of its pitiless qualities. It certainly provides a more appropriate ending to 1984 than its cousin at the NT. Rijat KohU Animal Farm: A Review George Orwell Winston faces O'Brien Popularity is the criteria which Peter HaU appears to have adopted in his frugal production ofAnimal Farm. It tends to sponge on mass sentiment. One moment the play is a comedy, the next a musical, another a formless dance routine which uttely fails to comprehend Orwell's message. He wrote in 1947, "I do not wish to comment on the work; if it does not speak for itself, it is a failure." Certainly, this reviewer was lost as the amorphous production attempted to gather pace but never advanced beyond its initial stuttering start. Indeed, the beginning is somewhat doubtful as the audience witnesses a pre-pubescent schoolboy, clad in red blazer and grey flannels, innocently clambering up a bookcase to grab hold of a copy of Animal Farm. He proceeds to read the work, and continues to do so throughout the evening. The appearance of a narrator suggests a weakness in their production. The prep-schoolite attempts to push the play forward from from one scene to another, but one is never certain what is happening. "I proceeded to analyse Marx's theory from the animal's point of view. To them it was clear that the concept of a class struggle between humans was pure illusion, since whenever it was necessary to exploit animals, all humans united against them; the true struggle is between animals and humans." This is the essence of Animal Farm. However, such an impression is never gained. Moreover, Orwell's message was that the book was not meant to end in the complete reconciliation of pigs and humans: it was meant to end on a note of discord. This piece of pessimism was based on the Teheran Conference where politicians thought they had established the best possible relations between the USSR and the West. Of course, such good relations did not last long, leading to the early stages of the Cold War. Unfortunately, Peter Hall appears to have muffled the tone of Animal Farm leaving us with a woeful production which totally ignores the intrinsically serious themes of the novel. Vftat saddened me most thought, was the apparent inability of the audience to realise just how farcical the show was, being reduced at times to the level of a children's Christmas pantomime. Perhaps the adaptor of the play was aiming for the lowest common denomicator so that his production would appeal to those totally unaware of Orwell's works. However, it is difficult to believe that Peter Hall, the current Director of the NT, could have taken .the novel to such appalling depths. Uninspired productions are rarely the fault of the actors involved. In Animal Farm, the performances demanded little. The trio of pigs, Napoleon, Snowball, and Sqnealer were not particularly outstanding, rather distinctly ordin-aiy. The only performances of note came from Geoffrey Bnrridge as the ancient Clover, and John Savi-dent's Uriah Heep-like Mr Filking-ton. It is sad to see Animal Farm denigrated to this level; it does not do Orwell the man, nor Orwell the author any justice. One would have hoped for a better epitaph to the person to whom this year has been so assiduously dedicated. One of the tragic aspects of modern critical study is to shackle an author to one great book or one stream of ideology. Such arbitrary chambering has been the curse of George Orwell and his book Nineteen Eighty-Four. Much of Orwell's vision can be said to have been seen through strangely Victorian spectacles. Such an alignment revealed itself in an article for the Tribune, in The Boad to Wigan Pier (1937), and in the ultimate synthesis in The Lion and The Dnicom. For Orwell, the working class were the real people, the most English. "Common man," as he describes them, were "still living in the mental world of Dickens". The reference comes obviously from an old-style socialist of middle class origins. He saw his own class as moribund, a corrupt shell. Thus the workers began for him a purification. "The working class; there lies the hope for England." Orwell saddled the working class with unreasonable virtues: a taste for culture, education, and a highly moral outlook. The actual mass liberation of "popular working class culture" was not to Dickens, but to Bingo, strip magazines, and other forms of freedom without responsibility, as has been pointed out by many critics. Indeed, Orwell remained largely unknown by the mass that he spoke for. Another instinctive old-style socialist reaction was his dislike of left-wing intellectuals. His socialism was in the grain of Raskin or Morris. A methodology based on concrete values and understanding through association. Thus, Orwell in his singular sentimentalism is largely dismissed by theorists today. The author shows some of this characteristic fury in the second half of The Road to Wigan Pier; the book becomes a tired diatribe against the Left - it leaves the general impression of comical hysteria. In the final analysis, however, Orwell distanced himself from any genuine working class political movements or Trade Unions. His essay on Dickens points out the virtues that Orwell often championed: humanity, morals, a nostalgia for the past, and his "generous anger". Orwell's emotional, radical position made him a variable quality; both Cavalier and Roundhead; an excellent satirist and the author of Nineteen Eighty-Four. His legacy should be more than the repetition of such terms as "Big Brother" and "Doublethink". His legacy is the wit and observation that have stood the test of time. Oavid F Orrery page 12 Beaver 5 November 1984 IWllRTf! rmP BAPTISM OF SLIME LOSERS IN A LOST LAND A NOT SO SAO LAMENT... The eternal suvDort band LQMB-KAXEBS ASADLAHGNI ..Jini there were the impossibly cult Violent Fenunes telling a spike-flUed I^yceum just how they lurve Jesus and slipping in the odd one about sex and infanticide. God and death must be pretty big in Milwaukee, home to these unlikely heroes. Gordon Gano and Lizard Princeling, dressed in flares, spat out truly venomous vocals, wide-eyed in depravity. The boys played tight, played the fool - the Femmes are too gone to bother with the triviliaties of cool. Lurching immaculately from that old religion to plain old sick, the violence in their music was precise and sneering. Hungry for filth, everyone chanted the Countiy Death Song, Han Murders Daughter, and Give me the Car - "c'mon Dad, give me the car, c'mon Dad, I ain't no runt, c'mon girl give me your...cause I ain't had much to live 'for". More strangely religious songs like Its Gonna Rain were just as wildly greeted. The Femmes hell-fire religion oozed into raw power - pagan, bigoted, dangerous. Innocent as Iggy, these born-again Stooges amorality entranced us for two whole hours with a performance of quite incredible power. The best in ages. Cindy Snide BOBBY DAZZLER Its often been said that Bohhy Womack is Indian Jones, Roy Rogers and Superman all rolled into one - his September concert testified how true this is. I had to travel North mind, the tickets for the Palais having been sold out a month prior to the concert. With a red type outfit, Bobby Womack emerged after a six-year exile from the UK shores. At forty, Womack was refreshing; his soul was rich, deep, relaxed yet not complacent. "Let's Go Back In Time" he suggested and so the music played and it came in generous soulful portions. "Harry Hippie" (my particular favourite) began and the previously reserved Mancunion audience joined the "Sha-Na-Na" chorus followed by "That's the way I feel about Cha". Young and old responded warmly, Womack coming back with gems from the "Poet 1" album: "If you think you're lonely now" and "Where do we go from here?" which was sung with such emotion and so much feel that I had to swallow. "Break it Dowwwnnn" requested Bobby, and so the band managed to restrain the flow of soulful vibes. The excellent "Inherit the wind" and "One day we'U aU be free" duly rolled on. Before having time to recoup, he was at it again - "No matter how much it takes to say goodbye"; this time it was a duet with one of the three backing vocalists, Antrina Grayson , and was particularly rivetting. Altrina, with a strong, sweet voice pleaded "Oh Bobby, Oh Bobby!" as Womack caressed his large chest and gyrated his hips with obvious sexual abandon. The Band, in immaculate white, were superb; Kathy Blozson, and Cassie Weslqr along with Altrina Grayson were quite stunning. Bobby Womack live, put the 'S' back into Soul. Edwyn Collins, around wnose songs, person, and voice various Orange Juices have been built is one of music's unappreciated talents. More than anyone else, Collins gave influence to the jangling guitar based, fresh-faced rock that emerged from the Postcard label and is now commercially rewarding for Aztec Camera and an undoubted influence on the wonderful Smiths. But the latest, rumoured to be the last. Orange Juice album is a disappointment. A thwarted hero sings in a tone of apology and resignation. In an album of written-to-formula fillers containing one gem and one catastrophe, most of the songs appear to have been constructed around one oft-repeated hook line. The presence of a grating lead guitar that continually intrudes is disturbing rather than interesting; the cumbersome backing vocals have the effect of burdening rather than enriching the songs. The effect is one of bland sameness; songs seem to merge into one another with none of the distinctiveness of earlier work. The catastrophe is Artisans, a dulled, pedantic 'rocker' that gives the worrying feeling that this is Orange Juice wanting to be The Doors. The gem is What Presence - the last single. Only on this track do Orange Juice puH together the components of their music to produce a cohesive whole. The lead guitar is used sparingly and, for once effectively, and the whole sound is much fuller as layers of rhythm, bass, drum, keyboard, tambourine, harmonica and a confi- Prissy Pop dent vocal tripping lightly over the lyrics, combine to create an inescapable pop song that follows you around aU day. The only other redeeming feature on the album is Edwyn Collins' voice. His deep, soulful discord is a lifesaver that keeps this collection of largely undistinguished songs from being totally forgettable. The effect of a song like What Presence is to highlight what is lacking on the album. But it also shows that Edwyn Collins' singing and song-writing talents have not dried up. He still has a lot to offer, be that in Orange Juice or some other form. Sean O'Neill I'd heard great things about Flesh for Lnln before I turned up at the gig. Rave reports in NME-type rags, and trendy friends saying they were good promised well. I sat on the ticket desk and played my usual game of Spot The LSE Student, about five in all, not including stewards, slightly worse than usual. Not wanting to beat about the bush with music journalism phrases - the first band were crap. The second band quite reasonable, leaving the uncommitted to believe that Flesh for Lulu were going to be its noisy guitar night at the LSE again, as three innocent bands try manfully to overcome the usual atrocious sound. I de^y anybody to sbund impressive here, although the June Brides had a good try thanks to two brilliant guitarists (awful vocals, drums, bass, etc. but great guitars). Second support Five on Ice provided a new category, 'ponce metal'. They were awful. Ah, Flesh for Lulu - doomed forever to be a support act. I've seen them about 800 times with various better-known and healthier looking bands (and that includes the Gun Club and Sisters of Mercy). Singer Nick Marsh sports Sister Pop is dying - each week her body disintegrates still further as new depths are fathomed. She rests in intensive care where her cancerous offspring are rendered bloodless and impotent - Spandau slobber, Wham wheeze Duran drone. But out of this amoebic slime crawls something better - a battle-scarred beast taking it all on and WINNING Ha Ha. A record's prerequisites have remained the same; passion, humour, sexuality and danger but here's a disc that throws in (up) murder, disease, death and horror as well. Foetus stumbles unashamedly from the graveyard -trash prissy pop's lust for life; this is lust for death MAAN. The walls of my stomach think they're Jericho/ even better - how wrong one can be! I have never heard a headline band sound quite so awful. The Marc Almond look-alike on guitar liked using the over-loud PA for feedback purposes - every track, which wore a bit thin after a dozen or so which sounded exactly the same. I^yrics? Tune? Melody? I hear you ask - I'm soriy, but I couldn't detect any. Surely there must be better bands around for less than £700. Simon Bexon newly short hair and there's a new bass player. Of course, they don't sound any different. Mindless but brilliant songs like Roman Candle and Oog Oog Oog are nonchalantly kicked to death as my brains extruded through my eardrums (they were loud!). Flesh seem fated never to improve; not so much getting nowhere fast as getting nowhere with speed - oh well -Flesh for Lulu - about as subtle as the bomb in the Grand Hotel but not nearly as funny (and there's the pity). Steve 'Steko' Jelhert I'm about to meet my Mexico/Make mine a double Texaco. The musical accompaniment to this sort of stuff is a bizzare cacophany of everything available -a real wall of sound that punches and kicks through falling bombs and cheering rallies. From Joyce to Rimbaud and Stalin to Hitler. Foetus' references are manic and manifold with his flippant humour screwing sharp - "I'd rather die young than diurnal." The album is jarring and dislocating and leaves you punchdrunk but satisfied. Love it to death. James Bailey Scrapping Foetus off the Wheels - Hole Harold Wilson Beaver 5 November 1984 iPage 13 DISTRIBUTION: A Gentleman's Agreement? It may be a truism to say that political control exists in the distribution industry, and yet, in discussions on press freedom, this area is often overlooked. Why is it important? The trade union SOGAT estimates that between them WH Smith, John Menzies and Sur-ridge Dawson have "easily in excess of 75%" of the market (the official figure in 1975 in England and Wales was 69%). However, this near-monopoly is not necessarily a bad thing in itself (we're most of us monopol-ist-phobics these days). Comparisons between Britain and France highlight the need, if not for reducing the power of the major wholesalers - and let's face it, this seems an unrealistic scenario - then for bringing them under public control. As the Minority Press Group (MPG) point out, and as the French system indicates, this "does not mean nationalization, but simply passing suitable laws to make their practices accountable." "Abhorrent, though lawful" The 1977 Royal Commission on the Press said "there should be an obligation upon major distributors to supply any periodical" — to which the three big wholesalers replied that they had the right to refuse to handle publications they considered "abhorrent, though lawful." Consequently, WH Smith at that time refused to distribute Private Eye and Gay News .Thus in Britain the wholesaler can choose what he will and won't distribute. By contrast, under French law, any publication which agrees to the scale of rates must be given access to distribution. Furthermore, newsagents must display all publications which the publishers send them, so that element often invisible or hard to find in the British newsagent, the small scale profferings of the radical, feminist, gay or other "abhorrent" press, actually proliferates across the Channel. The unions, also bound by these laws, cannot prevent the publication of any material simply on the grounds of content. 'This protection is afforded by a Right of Reply statute. The French system is the result of their experience during the Second World War. Prior to the war a virtual distribution monopoly existed in France, operated by the Hachette company. During the occupation their operation was taken over by the Germans and came to be identified with their regime. After the war the resistence press decided that such a system was no longer acceptable and in 1947, after extensive debate in Parliament, the Law of the Second of April was passed, reflecting a reaction against all forms and shades of information control, and promoting the principle of "unrestricted distribution of the printed word". This principle was embodied, somewhat surprisingly, in a near-monopoly company, Nouvelles Mes-sageries de la Presse Parisienne (NMPP), run not by the wholesalers but by cooperatives representing the publishers, both large and small. Other distributors exist, especially in the regions, but they are all bound by the same laws. The NMPP performs several functions but remains in essence a technical operation, a distribution structure which exists for the use of any publisher, guaranteeing even the smallest publisher access to any of the 40,000 outlets. The law enforces two exceptions. The NMPP cannot distribute hardcore pornography or material which may incite violence. Firmly integrated into this system is the French kiosk, always crazily overpacked with magazines and newspapers. One kiosk in the Boulevard St. Michel displays 850 titles, while the Paris branch of WH Smith can boast no more than 108. The NMPP decides where new newsagents will be situated and even employs inspectors to make spot checks. Radical press invisible The system in Britain by comparison seems a little crude, and suggests a time when 'honour' or the gentleman's agreement was the final arbiter of public taste. The Monopolies & Mergers Commission, set up to look into newspaper and periodical wholesaling, decided that Smith and Menzies' decisions and operations were in the public interest. In this country the large daily newspapers and the conglomerate IPC effectively tell the wholesalers what to do, while lesser publications such as the ^New Statesman ask, and ask nicely at that. In France, NMPP acts as an agent to any pub- BRITISH PRESS Part 2. Continuing our series of articles'] on the freedom of the press. Usher who wants to employ the system. Both structurally and legally, political bias seems to have been largely removed from the French distribution system, while here in Britain bias and control remain firmly entrenched, taking the disguise of paternalistic choice and sneering at the notion of accountability. Often, of course, the decision not to distribute may be Publication "unprofitable" defended on the grounds that a publication is unprofitable, yet even this issue of profitability may be in jeopardy if we look at the example of Surridge Dawson who got rid of three radical magazines all of which were selling well. Unfortunately for them, one of the magazines printed a controversial article about growing one's own dope, and that was that. However, not content with rejecting these magazines they then decided to cease dealing with the people who distributed the magazines,' the Publications Distribution Co-operative. When asked about this incident, Surridge Dawson replied that they were not exercising political censorship. Not political censorship. A frequent argument against an open distribution system of the French type, is that it would let in the fascist and extreme right-wing preSs. But as in the case of pornography and violent material in France it should be possible to impose legal sanctions, if this is desired. This solution may seem unwieldy, but is surely not a potent argument against open distribution, when the alternative is reliance on the who-would-ever-doubt-it impeccable good taste and decisions of Smith and Menzies. Another argument rolled out with predictable regularity invokes the libel laws, under which distributors, wholesalers and newsagents can be prosecuted along with the publisher in the event of a libel case. This law is not often used against intermediate agencies, although it has happened. In one such case. Lord Denning said: "They (the newsagents) may have known, and probably did know, that it was a contentious and controversial magazine; but that was not a reason for them not to handle it. They were not arbiters of style or taste. Nor were they censors of morality or rectitude. They were just commercial distributors." However, in this case, which concerned Private Eye , Lord Denning's view was expressed in a disseenting judgement. In the end then, any thoroughgoing campaign for press freedom in Britain must strive to make the monopoly wholesalers and publishers accountable to the public, primarily through the law (including changes in the libel laws), but if this is not forthcoming then with the cooperation of the unions and the trade. Giles Perritt Randal Flynn FALSE IIMPRESSIONS? !We all know that the public at I large has branded every LSE ^student as "Red, Radical and Revolutionary". But I wondered just what our fellow students thought of us. I set off to some of ;the other London colleges to ifind out. I entered the seedy, smokey room with wipe-clean floors that goes under the name of Kings College Bar in search of a typical Kings student. I found 'him propping up the bar with a pint (in each hand), and a slight leer on his face. "What do you think of LSE students?" I asked hopefully. "That lot, they're all so bloody boring. NO FUN, they won't play games." This, I learnt, was an allusion to the fact that LSE students don't go around stealing mascots and ballot boxes in Rag Week. Another student told me "they're so trendy-in a Greenham Common kind of way! I'm sure they knit their own yoghurt. I wouldn't be seen dead with on^." I wa then asked what college I went to. "Goldsmiths" I said, and left. With my ego suitably deflated, I made my way up Kingsway to' SOAS. 'There I met several ethnic characters in the even more ethnic bar. I asked them about the LSE building and was told "well, its not exactly picturesque is it?" And apparently a typical LSE student spends his evening "excessively working, excessively drinking, and finishing everything off with a spagghetti western." By now I was experiencing a serious personality crisis. Was this the real me? A quick phone call to St Mary's Medical College only brought the respnse "LSE? That's the place where the lecturer walks in, says 'good morning' and everybody writes it down!" I decided to go to Quirks at ULU to drown my sorrows. Sitting down at a table a group of students asked me where I came from. "LSE," I said gingerly, waiting for the usual tirade. "Oh, they're dead nice there"; "its very multiracial"; "the gigs there are great". Oh well, at least somebody loves us, even if they are from (Liverpool University on a visit! Amanda Farnsworth SOCIETIES^ Please notify us of any of your forthcoming events page 12 Beaver 5 November 1984 page 14 Beaver 5 November 1984 ROOTS, RADICALS, REFORMISTS AND REVOLUTIONARIES It is Thursday lun-chbreak - time for the LSE Students' Union meeting. The audience assembled in the Old Theatre ready to watch some of the best entertainment available at 'the School'. There on the stage in front of them is the 'Emperor' (retired) himself Ed Lucas, rallying his troops with magical words like 'I will sign this blank cheque' and now amazing them with equally magic words like 'I resign'. Around him is gathered the vast spectrum of the LSE political scene... Ed Lucas, the former General Secretary of the Union, is poh-tical leader of the LSE Liberal Party. The Liberals were the third largest party at the LSE until Black Thursday boasting over 100 members; now Ed Lucas, Iain Crawford and Simon Barnett are all that remains of this once imperious party (and even they don't agree) - the rest are rumoured to be thinking of defecting to the SDP. When Ed Lucas came to LSE in October 1981 there was no Liberal Party. He set up a stall at the Freshers' Fair and it all had been "3 cheers for Ed and the Liberal Party" until that fateful two weeks ago when he decided to sign the cheque. Ed maintains that he only decided to stand for the post of General Secretary because of "No Platform" being passed last December. Freedom of speech, freedom of information, effective campaigning and involvement in local policies, are the basis of Liberal policy at the LSE, as was opposition to ultra vires until politics got the better of liberal ideals. Now politics has got the better of Ed - but for how long one cannot say. Few of us would be prepared to bet against Ed being re-elected as General Secretary - after all, aren't we all sympathetic and open-minded and don't we forgive others their mistakes. We must not forget however, Ed's - A Review of the LSE Political Spectrum outside ambitions which seem to centre around the town of Swindon and nor must we forget that he will have to seek the endorsement of LSE Liberals if he wishes to fight the Union by-election under their tattered banner. The Liberals leading rivals are the Labour Club, the biggest political grouping in LSE with a membership in excess of 200. They also have personalities, but prefer not to draw attention to Julian Cook, Debbie Hindson, Richard Snell, Kevin Cooper and especially not John Donkersley ... Emphasis they maintain, is to be placed upon the open 'healthy' debate inside the Club's ranks, which prevents the personality dominance arguably present in other LSE political parties. The Club boasts a high degree of accountability, epitomized by the infamous "undated letter of resignation", a measure initiated after a student elected under the Labour Club flag had performed an 'Owen' like switch from Labour to SDP. The Labour Club is affiliated to the National Organisation of Labour Students which represents the official link with the Labour Party. As in the case of the national party, the importance of factions is played down in the face of heavy criticism. The LSE Labour Club perhaps has greater justification in doing this since the prime culprits "Militant Tendency" have actually set up outside the Club. The Labour Club itself is rumoured to be "left of Kinnock, right of Benn with plenty of exceptions". It is evidently active as far as introducing speakers and holding meetings is concerned (Labour Club meetings are generally open to all). In practical terms, the club answers criticisms that it is "all mouth and trousers" by claiming responsibility for a number of initiatives, including a leading role in the current anti-racist offensive. This last boast is refuted by supporters of most groupings to the left of the Labour Party. Despite an attempt to present a united front at the present time for obvious reasons, considerable differences in policy blatantly exist. The leading "extreme Left"? organisation, with six members is the SWSS (Socialist Workers Students Society). Probably led by the aptly named Harold Wilson, the SWSS has strong links with the national Socialist Workers Party and is similarly Marxist in outlook. The group believes ultimately in revolution from below to overthrow the existing capitalist system, as does the RCPBML (Revolutionary Communist Party of Great Britain, Marxist-Leninist) a group also entangled in the theory of class struggle. The RCPBML masquerades more frequently as the LSM (London Student Movement), or alternatively, the DSF (the Democratic Student Front). Can this be compared with Windscale, Seascale, Sella-field?. LSM is led by the Albanian guru, Inderjeet Parmar who is rumoured to have recruifed at least 3 members to LSM from LSE. LSM's obsession with Albania is almost religious (or it would be if religion were allowed in Albania); their notion that Albania is the only socialist country in existence they defend admirably, possibly because no one else knows where it is, let alone anything about it. Neither the SWSS or the LSM are as divorced from reality as many may suspect. Although both emphasise the desireabil-ity of eventual revolution both still address themselves with energy to current issues. The SWSS being particularly prominent this term over the Patrick Harrineton affair. A Communist Party of Great Britain organisation exists in LSE; they do hold meetings and sell newspapers but have successfully managed to elude my attention. The misty reality of the CPGB is in stark contrast to the mythical existence of sects such as the Spartacists who supposedly unite under the banner "all hail the Red Army in Afghanistan". Yet even the Spartacists turn an insipid pink when confronted with the real extremists. The legendary "Red Action" are rumoured to assassinate all those who deign to wear tweed jackets in public. Back to back in the political circle with the afore-mentioned groupings, I am reliably informed, is the extreme right wing of the LSE. A group who concentrate the attacks of their "bowler hat bovver boy" execution squads largely on those British lEl ® W-Vc/rie wearing donkey jackets and cloth caps. These closet Oswald Moseleys arrange clandestine meetings, in a situation analogous to that of Polish trades unionists. They fear intimidation from LSE's suppressive centre-left bully boy regime, for General Jaruzelski read Edward Lucas. From extreme right to extreme right. The Federation of Conservative Students is the second largest party of LSE with 169 members - Philip Groves, the ex-Chairperson of the FCS emphasised that they are all 'voluntary'. Of course all of us political hacks know that they are voluntary - thats why we never see them at Union Meetings. Indeed the Conservative Party is famous for its silent army of reserve voters. The problem is that no-one knows who they are apart from Americans; meanwhile the Conservative Party Leaders wait patiently for their voluntary reserves to come out of hiding and wile away their time by trying to think up destructive ways to reform the Student Union. Philip Groves thinks that membership of the Student Union should be voluntary. Simon Brewer and Andrew Tin-ney think differently - the FCS is by no means unified. As concerns policy, the FCS are farther towards the Right than the Government and therefore (they would be horrified to realise) are really rather closer to David Owen on for example, their stance on the miners strike where their constant cry is, "Ballots!" At LSE the FCS tend to concentrate on such policies as 'no violence on picket lines', 'freedom of speech', and 'no abuse of Student funds'. Whilst relatively inactive at UGMs, the FCS is very active outside, and arranges good speaker meetings, such as John Biffen and Sir Ian Gilmour this term. Finally we should talk about the party that by definition is not too sure where it stands: "Independent Student is an informal alliance of non-aligned students who believe that the interests of LSE students would be best served by a Union shorn of the irrelevant dogma of party doctrine. We believe that party labels and loyalties hamper Union officers and create attitudes that are more destructive than constructive". This policy as quoted from their literature sounds very moralistic and nice although we all know that its largely bull****. Independent Student is without doubt the most inaccessible and elitist political clique at LSE for membership is rumoured to be by invitation only. This closed shop is reflected by the fact that they could not even get enough signatures to be registered as an associate society. However, they have managed to gain Union power in the form of Mike Moszynski, the Senior Treasurer. No doubt people liked his raffish if questionable good looks and goody-two-shoes image at the time, but Mike has come in for quite a lot of criticism recently. On Black Thursday he just survived a vote of No Confidence but no-one seriously believes it is over yet. Perhaps Mike should stop playing the martyr to his manifesto and start playing politics. On the other hand the likes of Ed Lucas and all the other 'serious' party politicians may feel that Mike's stand is no less shaky than all theirs'. Ed Richards Hugh Sergeant THtRt Ht C,XS, THC MAN WHO PUT THt "ACHC. INTO ACHL-AASEf LONDON STUDENT ACTIVISTS Aid afterpr.-vat/satfon ourli/ecom'T'sv^nLl u,', sund ¦for'Eatcher-ujith-halls^' Since there has been general reticence on the part of anyone 'in on the student action', this unique publicity opportunity is once again the sole province of LSO. NOVEMBER 3rd LSO Conference (Lynette Kelly, Peter Carr) NOVEMBER 7th Democracy for London campaign have organised a march and rally in defence of jobs and against the abolition of the GLC and rate capping. Assemble at 11.00am Burgess Park (Cam-berwell Road/Albany Road SE5). March to Jubilee Gardens and rally in Festival Hall at 2.00pm. NOVEMBER 8th GLC organized lobby of Parliament in defence of GLC (for more info contact LSO). In addition to these specific dates, throughout November LSO will be campaigning for a better deal for London Stu-defits, the key concern being grants and travel benefit. Since students in London have seen their grants decline by 32% since 1962, as compared with 17% nationally, LSO is producing an income and expenditure survey to provide valuable information necessary for an effective grants campaign. November also sees the NUS Grants Submission and London Differential Submission. Jane Wagner \ Beaver 5 November 1984 page 15 (:ivii.()Ki)h]R-Pi,AKTi(;i)T?7nT On October 22nd 1984, the European Commission of Human Rights released the landings of its investigation into the use of plastic bullets in Northern Ireland. The Commission announced that plastic and rubber bullets which, since 1972, have killed 15 people and blinded, maimed and injured many others, are "less dangerous than alleged". It was a decision which delighted the British government and the Northern Ireland Office and produced jubilation amongst Unionist politicians. ... The Commission's investigation came at the request of Mrs Kathleen Stewart whose 13 year old son Brian was killed in Turf Lodge, West Belfast in 1976 by a plastic bullet fired by a British soldier. As result of the Commission's findings Mrs Stewart will not be able to have her case heard by the European Court of Human Rights. For her this is the end of a long legal battle in which she has frequently seen justice and truth thwarted, manipulated and blatently ignored. Brian Stewart was shot while standing on the corner of the street in Turf Lodge housing estate. He had been standing with a small knot of youngsters around his own age when a soldier of the King's Own Scottish Borderers Regiment fired a plastic bullet which struck the boy on the head. As the other children cried and screamed and adults ran to attend to the unconscious child, a British soldier tried to arrest him by dragging his body along by the feet. The adults who retrieved Brian's body from the soldier later testified that at the time, around 6pm on 4th October 1976, there was no rioting going on in Turf Lodge. Even if there had been, Brian Stewart could not have been involved having left his home only three minutes before he was shot. He died six days later at the Royal Victoria Hospital from a fractured skull and massive brain damage. ARMY LIES In the rush to defend their actions, the British Army issued contradictory statements. The first army spokesman claimed that two patrols had come under attack from a crowd of 500 rioters and had fired "a number of baton rounds" to relieve their position. He then continued: "unfortunately one baton round hit a 13 year old boy". On October 6th the "unfortunate boy" became a leading stone thrower in the new Army statement which also claimed that Brian, who had been out of his home for only 3 minutes, was watched for "some considerable time" before he was selected as a target and shot down. It was not the first time that the Army had failed to construct a coherent, or even credible lie. In the first inquest into Brian's death the witness, a certain Major Searl, again changed the army's story and claimed that the plastic bullet was not aimed at Brian Stewart but at another youth standing in a crowd of 15. At that inquest, 15 months after Brian died, the Unionist judge (Judge Brown) accepted every word the Army witnesses said with no hesitation. This was depite the fact that the Army had now changed their story 3 times. The witnesses called by Mrs Stewart's solicitor repeated the evidence given in the statements they had made on 4th and 5th October 1976. In his summation the judge referred to one of Mrs Stewart's witnesses as "a vicious lier" for suggesting that the British Army could be guilty of misconduct. The evidence of Mrs Stewart and her witnesses was dismissed. Undaunted, Mrs Stewart appealed to higher courts, but her attempts to obtain justice were thwarted by the BBC's refusal to release the transcript of the original Army statement. Forces were at work behind the scenes to ensure that Army witnesses would not have to answer awkward questions. At the Appeal Court there was only one Army witness, the soldier who had killed Brian. In his evidence the soldier claimed, five years after the event, that he did not know the instructions for firing plastic bullets. Nevertheless the prejudice of the Unionist judiciary rejected Mrs Stewart's case -there was to be no concession to the Nationalist community. Encouraged by the support of groups like the National Council for Civil Liberties and the Association for Legal Justice and of human rights campaigners like Fr. Dennis Faul, Mrs Stewart brought her case to the European Commission of ¦Human Rights. We now know the decision of the Commission. The decisions of the Unionist judiciary in Northern Ireland should come as no surprise, and a closer look at the recent changes in the Commission make its ludicrous findings a little more understandable. Malcolm Dean writing in the Guardian on October 24th revealed the new composition of the Commission and the pressure Commissioners have been coming under from friends of the British government: "But even before the new appointees took up office, the Commission was under pressure to be more gentle with the UK. The British government is fed up with being Europe's 'worst offender'. Some 80 cases have been declared admissible against the UK -twice as many as any other state." Despite the decision of the European Commission a large number of influential g^roups still support the banning of plastic bullets. Among them are the European Parliament, the Labour Party (1982 Conference), the Young Liberals, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, the American Federation of Labour and Congress of Indust-rial Organisations, the National Cpuncil for Civil Liberties and the British Society for Social Responsibility in Science. SEANDOWNES Since the death of Brian Stewart in 1976 10 other people have been killed by plastic bullets. Seven of those died between April and August 1981 at the time of the H-Block hunger strikes when the situation in the north of Ireland was very tense. The most recent victim of plastic bullets was Sean Downes who was killed in August this year. Sean Downes was one of the crowd at a rally commemorating the 13th anniversary of internment. He was killed when the RUC stormed the platform in an attempt to arrest Martin Gal-vin, leader of the Noraid delegation, who had been banned from entering Northern Ireland. The Irish News, a Belfast daily paper, reported the morning after: "Sean Downes, from Andersonstown, was killed by a plastic bullet when police rushed the rally in an attempt to arrest Noraid leader, Martin Galvin. The dead man was one of the 2000 strong crowd sitting peacefully on the Andersonstown Road listening to the speakers". The death of Sean Downes was of special importance because the world's press were present to witness the brutal events that took place. The scenes made prime time viewing in the USA, largely because of the presence of Galvin. Pressmen themselves had been victims of the RUC action, reporters waiving NUJ cards frantically in the air were bludgeoned out of the way. For the first time many English journalists, who had come to report on the "scandalous apologists for terrorism", came face to face with the reality of violence in Northern Ireland. Even the Unionist paper, the Belfast Newsletter, questioned the necessity of using plastic bullets on this scale. The Brit- ish press reports of the scene were vivid in their descriptions and' often scathing in their cri-ticisms: "they (the RUC) smashed their way through the crowd to seize Martin Galvin -one man was killed and 20 others injured as police fired plastic bullets in support of baton-wielding colleagues. Men, women and children hurled themselves screaming to safety as police lashed out with truncheons". (Daily Mail) PROPAGANDA At last, much of the British propaganda and fiction surrounding the use of baton rounds was seen to be nothing but lies by people around the world. The idea that by giving lethal riot control weapons humourous names, people might think they were harmless finally foundered. A plastic bullet is made of PVC, is 3.5 inches long and 1.5 inches in diameter, it weighs 4.75 ounces and leaves the riot gun with a muzzle velocity of over 160 mph. At 50 yards (the maximum limit of its range) the bullet has an impact energy of 110 ft lbs, at 5 yards, 210 ft lbs. Sean Downes was shot from not more than a few feet away. The falsehood that plastic bullets are only used in riot situations to protect soldiers and police was exposed to ridicule on the day of Sean Downes' death. In a letter to the Deputy President of the Brunei University Students Union from the Law and Order Division of the Northern Ireland Office, a Mr J R Harmer wrote, exactly one week later: "The security forces are equipped with plastic baton rounds and use them in a way which minimises the risk of injury both to rioters and to the security forces". What is this statement if nothing but a blatent lie. In the same letter the NIO stated that plastic bullets "are used in accordance with clear instructions -intended to ensure that the law is respected". The guidelines issued for the use of plastic bullets say that they should be fired from not less than 20 metres and aimed at the lower half of the body. Sean Downes was shot from a distance of only a few feet and was struck just below the heart - he died almost instantly. SECTARIAN Plastic and rubber bullets have now killed 15 people, all of them from the Nationalist community, in Northern Ireland. Seven of those 15 dead were aged between 10 and 15 years of age. The plastic bullet was first used against Protestant demonstrators in August this year when rioting broke out in East Belfast at the time of a Loyalist supergrass trial. Before this plastic bullets had only been fired against Catholics. The character of the plastic bullet is still that of an oppressive and sectarian weapon. It is used to prevent freedom of expression at rallies and demonstrations and as the penultimate weapon of repression against the last form of expression - riot. Frequently it has been used as little more than a murder weapon which has killed too many innocent people. The time has come for all humane and just-minded people to reject the lies of the government, to dismiss the "justice" of the Belfast courts and the European Commission and to demand an end to the use of these lethal weapons. Sean O'Neill killed Brian Stewart aged 13, died 10 October 1976. m KIUEO Stephen Geddis aged 10, died 30 August 1975. KIU£o Julie Livingstone aged 14, died 13 May 1981. killed Francis Rowntree agedllVa, died 23 April 1972 page 16 Beaver 5 November 1984 SEEDS OF DISASTER The one achievement of the Western governments in the Ethiopian crisis so far is to dispel any doubts that remained about their commitments to Third World aid. Accusations have been made if negligence that would be very difficult to explain to a starving Ethiopian. The famine in Ethiopia has not suddenly occurred out of the blue. Relief agencies have been warning of impending disaster throughout the last two years. Why then has there been no action? The Rev. Dr. Charles Elliott, ex-director of Chriatian Aid, believes the reason why Britain and America have reftised to act before now is that they hoped a famine disaster in Ethiopia would bring down Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam's Marxist regime. A spokesman from the Overseas Development Administration agreed, saying, "The government has been quite open in making it clear that political factors are one of the considerations that it takes into account alongside development factors in its regular aid programme". Now that Ethiopia has been struck by disaster, governments have begun to respond, but starvation continues on a massive scale. Seven million people are affected by the famine, which will continue at least until the end of next year. Estimates put the death toll so far at 200,000, with 70 people still dying of starvation every day at some relief camps. This will almost inevitably arise towards 500,000 despite aid programmes in progress. The enormous irony is that famine coincides with record harvests throughout the EEC and America. Farmers constantly encouraged to increase output of grain have now created a grain surplus of ten million tonnes. This is being stored in converted aircraft hangars, since existing grain stores are full already. The surplus is expected to rise to sixteen million tonnes by the end of the year. Oxfam are furious that European governments have not responded to their pleas to send some of the surplus to Ethiopia, and have spent precious financial reserves on buying grain themselves to send. As a result of this, funds "Gununu Hamus centre run by the ^Ethiopian Red Cross conference on central america LSE's new Central Solidarity Society reports on a recent conference held at the School on problems in Central America. On Saturday 20th October War on Want held a conference on Central America at LSE. Five delegates from the Ceentral American Society attended. Speakers included a British Conservative MP (Nigel For-man), an American Democrat (Peter Bell) and a Dutch Socialist MEP (Evelyn Herfkens). It was the afternoon speakers who really gripped the audience, Dr Guillermo Ungo, leader of the opposition forces in El Salvador, Nichola Sis, a representative of the United Opposition Movement in Guatamala, and Dr Antonia Jarquin, diplomatic representative of the Sandanis-tas and former Nicaraguan ambassador to the USA. The general theme of all these speakers was the need for the USA to stop intervening in Central America. It was necessary for the US to see the problems and conflicts in the region as essentially North/South, not East/West. The people were fighting for survival and the right to self-determination, and they couuld achieve neither as long as the US dollar continued arming and supporting repressive regimes in Guatamala and El Salvador ($1.25 million per day goes to the El Salvadorean government). The US is also responsible for giving CIA aid to Contras trying to overthrow the Sandanistas. Central America presents no military threat to the USA. Indeed, Dr Jarquin stated that he had promised to sign an agreement that Nicaragua would not harbour forces hostile to the USA. Meanwhile prospects are dim. While the FMLN/FDR have had talks with Duarte (Head of the El Salvador government), the armed forces continue to massacre its population. The optimism engendered by the Con-tedora Treaty (for no outside advisers or forces in any Central American State) is now fading - the USA still refuses to sign and Nicaragua, still under attack from the CIA-backed Contras, now fears an all-out US invasion. Western aid continues to flow to Guatamala despite much of its population being displaced and in fear of their lives from their own government. It was both an enlightening for development of long-term solutions to famine aire almost exhausted. Oxfam's grain shipments to Ethiopia vastly exceed those of this government. Storing surplus grain in Britain is costing up to £200 per tonne. European Commission sources say that giving it away to Ethiopia would cost £25 a tonne for shipment costs — an enormous saving for the taxpayer. Britain's six thousand tonnes is not even the tip of that iceberg and falls far short of the 500,000 tonnes urgently needed within the next twelve months. Problems continue when the grain eventually reaches Ethiopia. Because of unreliable machinery at the port of Assab a bottleneck has been created that is stopping enough food from getting through. Areas of the country are in rebel hands and this too is preventing the flow of relief to where it is most needed in Eritrea and Tigre. At the moment, Ethiopia is less than two months into its dry season. The problems will continue long after press coverage has ceased. As Essex farmer David Camp says; "It is not their fault. We have just had a record grain harvest and should all be giving the surplus away."-Giles Perritt "Wolayita - distribution of grain (maize)" LSE ETHIOPIA APPEAL Lets send 5 tonnes of Grain Grain and money are still urgently needed in Ethiopia. Long after the publicity has stopped people will be dying. A month into the dry season 200,000 people are dead and many more dying. Collections outside union meeting Thursday and in Florries. Bring donations Beaver office any time. A tonne of grain costs £100. We should be able to send five tonnes very soon. Donate your lunch money for a couple of days and allow them to live. £1 provides one starving Ethiopian with grain for a week - that must be YOUR £1. and a depressing day. All delegates were asked to sign a document asking European governments to support the Contedora initiative, but this seemed an ineffectual measure in the face of the immediate horror of events in the region. We in the Central Solidarity Society urge you to join us. A lot of work has to be done. Health projects need funding and public awareness of what what is happening must be increased. We meet at 1pm in S300 every Wednesday. Marie Helly usa and uk university systems compared American students may be interested to learn that in a six week summer course at the Hebrew university of Jensol I earned myself 10 credit units. For the benefit of English students I should explain that an A level would earn between 6 and 10 credit units at an American university and that an American student is expected to complete 15 credit units in a 12-18 week term. For the Americans with whom I was studying, the 10 credit units made a significant contribution towards their degree. But my additional work will pass unrecog- nised, sadly this is not the only respect in which American students have a better deal than their British counterparts. The first obvious difference is the larger number of places open to undergraduates in the United States. In Britain only 7.6% of the 1980 school leavers have been awarded degrees and this was before Mrs Thatcher's cuts. In stark contrast 23.9% of US school leavers won college/university degrees - a markedly higher percentage. American universities admit students on the basis of school achievements and admission tests, the most frequently required test is the College Board Admission Testing Program. The test report includes an overall mark on a scale from 200-800, 500-600 being average. Students may, however, be accepted by a degree granting institution with a mark as low as 450. 350-450 may be accepted by junior colleges where the student can study his freshman and sophomore years (first two years) and hope for later transfer to a full degree college. In this way, even with a score well below average, it is still possible to earn a degree. Once in the University, the first two years are spent covering a wide range of subjects (also about A level standard) earning credits. The student is not expected to specialise, or "major", until his last two years. Because the degree is divided into small sections and structured flexibly, it is possible for students to study at other institutions, "earning credits" to obtain exemtion from part of their degree. Another option is to become a transfer student, spending time abroad as part of one's studies. There is no equivalent arrangement in the British system. It is even difficult to transfer between universities within the British Isles without starting from scratch as courses are generally incompatible. Also in the United States it is common practise for a student to retake a subject if he Considers his result to be unsatisfactory, unlike in Britain where we can only resit exams in subjects we have failed and not merely to improve our grades. In America courses can be taken in summer schools which provide extra tuition for those students who have fallen behind or for those eager to get ahead. It is generally accepted in university circles that a British first degree is more prestigious and of a higher standard than an American first degree. But how many outside the academic world appreciate this? Most, I suspect, consider the two as equivalent. Why can't we adapt our system to be more on American lines with easy access to other courses and facilities for travel abroad, all contributing to our final degree. After all, if we've worked hard on a course, at least give us the credit. Ava Morgenstern AGM THURSDAY 1pm OLD THEATRE Beaver 5 November 1984 page 17 TREVOR HUDDLE STON: The Injustice of Apartheid I Everyone at the LSE must be aware of the political situation in South Africa and many are opposed to the rule of the minority white government and its policy of apartheid. Bishop Trevor Huddleston is President of the Anti-Appirtheid Movement and has been travelling the world campaigning against apartheid for some 40 years. The concept of apartheid, httle talked of or understood 20 years ago, has now come to be recognised as the brutal reality for the majority in a country which was once part of the Commonwealth. Trevor Huddleston believes the solution to the problem must come from within South Africa but sympathetic outsiders have an important role to play in demonstrating their solidarity with those resisting oppression, in providing financial support and in protesting to governments worldwide. Apartheid is no new phenomenon. In 1913 the Native Land Act took 87% of the land in South Africa and gave all rights to it to the white population. This included the best farming land, rivers and cities, leaving only scattered, impoverished patches for the blacks. These areas were later declared 'homelands' and millions of black people were uprooted and dumped there, to live in shanty towns with no resources to support them. The extent of western support for the regime in South Africa may not be fully appreciated. Soon after Reagan came to power in 1980, the USA abandoned Carter's anti-apartheid, human rights stance and adopted a policy of support for the regime. Reagan's justififica-tion was that South Africa was a "friend in the international battle against Communism". This was interpreted by the South Africans as a green light from the USA. In the past few months. Bishop Huddleston has met the heads of state of nearly all the neighbouring countries. They report the increasingly aggressive attempts by the South African government to destabilise their countries through military attacks and the destruction of their economies. South Africa is the supreme military and economic power in the area. NAMIBIA Five years ago an unanimous United Nations resolution demanded the withdrawal of South African forces from Namibia. Yet there are still thought to be around a hundred thousand troops currently stationed there and it seems the government can be confident that the West will not intervene to force their departure. Earlier this year, the Bishop was granted an audience with Margaret Thatcher. The Prime Minister began by assuring him that she abhorred the evil of apartheid, but when he brought up the need for economic sanctions, Mrs Thatcher claimed sanctions did not work. Reminded of the Falklands War where her first move was to demand sanctions by the EEC and USA against Argentina, she retorted somewhat lamely: "that was a war situation". Britain has enormous investments in South Africa, greater even than those of the USA. When the question arose at the UN, Britain vetoed the imposing of economic sanctions. NHS MANAGEMENT: PATTEN DEFENDS TORY RECORD "We have been knocking at the door for too long, now we must knock it down" There is certainly a lack of political will in this country to withdraw investments by such companies as Shell and Barclays Bank. This is especially true during the current recession when the idea of sacrificing jobs and profits in the cause of justice in a faraway country generates little enthusiasm. There is also the argument that economic pressure on South Africa would increase suffering among black workers well before the rich whites felt the pinch. However, in the words of the 1984 Nobel Peace Prize winner, Bishop Desmond Tutu, economic hardship is preferable to revolution if the same ends can be achieved. LSE Campaign The LSE Anti-Apartheid Movement mentioned their campaign for funds for the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College, which Bishop Huddleston had visited recently. This is a school in Tanzania run with African National Congress support to educate children for the role of future leaders in a black controlled South Africa. The Bishop saw this as a very worthwhile cause. Today there is enormous unrest in the black townships. All non-violent tactics have been tried, to no avail. The younger generation feels that there has been too much patience for too long. Luthuli, black winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1960, said recently; "We have been knocking at the door for too long, now we must knock it down." Trevor Huddleston stressed that the use of armed violence against black people by their own government is widespread. He finished by saying that he could no longer see how justice could be achieved without violence on a massive and bloody scale. Takki Trenbath Britain's National Health Service was the main focus in an address delivered by John Patten, Undersecretary of State for Health, to LSE Conservatives on 13th October. Patten defended the Thatcher administration's record on health care by asserting the absence of a correlation between expenditure and quality of medical care, although adding that the 1984 allocation of £16.5 million to the NHS surpasses that of any previous year. Additional statistics cited included those related to the employment of doctors and nurses, the rise in construction of hospitals and the treatment of 300,000 more in-patients last year than in 1982. The Undersecretary's argument against an increasing level of dissatisfaction with the Tories' management of the NHS centered around the idea that cost-efficiency, not cuts, has been the priority of the administration during recent years. He reiterated the theme that treatment of patients should be the primary objective of all health care. Patten accused political activists of the 1960s, including Conservatives, of being obsessed with an idealistic attitude toward the capabilities and limitations of the National Health Service, expressing his belief that the present decade has seen a return to a more realistic way of thinking. Several questions, reflecting a diverse range of aspects of the NHS, were raised by the audience. In response to a proposal that more funding should be channelled into nurses' wages, the Minister replied that following the strike of 1982, a 7% raise, which was above the level of inflation, was granted to nurses. He countered the question with the suggestion that perhaps spending should be geared more towards investment in housing for medical personnel. A second major issue of discussion was that of customer representation in the field of medical care. Patten stated that a limited amount of activity of this type is found in community health councils, but affirmed the need for broader provisions for the involvement of health care consumers. The Minister added that progress was being made in this area, pointing to a current investigation into methods of medical care delivery by GPs. A Conservative member of the audience questioned Patten as to whether or not the Tories had failed to generate favorable publicity for their management of the NHS, to which he replied affirmatively. He elaborated on his answer by renewing the government's pledge against privatization in the health service. On a final note, the speaker addressed a question concerning the idea of rebates to medical care consumers who chose to take advantage of such a system. Patten rejected this possibility on grounds both of political difficulty and feasibility. Angela Kirby welfare news by Paul Redfearn There will be a get together for special needs students on Wednesday November 14th at 2pm, at which' drinks will be served. The purpose is to introduce all special needs students to Sally Sainsbury who has been appointed by the School Administration to act as Advisor to them. Unfortunately, a venue has go to be arranged, so check with the Welfare Office or watch for posters announcing the event. Playgroup Success Credits for creations in chalk in LSE environs in the next couple of weeks can be laid at the feet, not of your favourite professor, but of Linda Taylor and her half term playgroup, who have been holding intensive seminars in 'Pavement Artistry', when not playing football or table-tennis courtesy of an AV donation. Welfare Seeks input on Inter-Hall Committee The Welfare Office, has made a move designed to "establish and maintain closer links between the different accommodation outlets open to students at LSE, and to contribute on many wider issues concerning students at home". abolish the city-says tony banks Speaking at a Labour Club meeting on the 30th October, Tony Banks, Labour MP for Newham North-West and former GLC Arts and Recreation Chairperson, distanced himself from Neil Kinnock's over-hasty criticism of the NUM leadership over the Libyan episode. In Bank's opinion, Kinnock should spend more time visiting picket lines and maintaining contact with opinion at that level as Banks does, rather than "standing on the sidelines carping". An audience, which included four NUM members from the Barnsley area, heard Banks stress the common cause of the GLC and the Metropolitan Authorities, and the NUM. The Tory Government was attempting to impose 'Victorian Values' by a return to Victorian institutions, in the case of London to the Metropolitan Works Board of 1855-89, the last non-elected London authority. The Tories had seriously miscalculated the popularity of abolition, seen as another 'Falklands Factor', and dreamed up 'on the back of a fag packet' three days after the calling of the General Election. In fact, indications from local by-elections were of a 20% swing to Labour attributable to the unpopularity of abolition. That this was being carried out in the name of democracy was a travesty of the truth, with only 8% of current GLC services being destined for London boroughs, and the remainder going to non-elected bodies and Quangos. Rate capping was further strengthening the authoritarian hand of central government. Banks believes that members of the GLC and of the Metropolitan Authorities should tacti- cally resign before the 'fifth year' caused by the defeat of the Paving Bill and thus force national recognition of the cause for local democracy through an election. Finally, echoing Ken Livingstone's words, he emphasised the importance of the return of Labour Government which would establish local institutions with increased powers, and then proceed with aboli-tion-of the City of London. Richard Cranmer Tony Banks on socialism page 18 Beaver 5 November 1984 NEWS FROM ULU There's a new atmosphere at ULU these days: the old codger standing on the steps outside selling the Morning Star has been replaced by another nonagenarian selling the Soviet News; there has been a sharp apologetic decline in administrative work (which stretches to the ULU Card controversy); societies which were intractable last year are doubly so now. "Society organizers just change address and don't tell us where they are" as a genial official put it. Nestled around the corner is the mesh of society pigeonholes-a quaint English aberration which Noel Coward would have sung about. Nonetheless, a quarter of a million pound shot-in-the-arm comes in the form of Quirks Bar. Clearly the bar with the name that was thought up in a hurry, it is nevertheless impressive. The bar is styled, in the Manhattan cocktail bar mould; plenty of light panelling here, plenty of homely side-lamps straight out of Habitat, plenty of finely upholstered seats with armrests (a feature we thought had died years ago). Patrons-as a sign proclaims-are politely requested not to stup cigarettes out on the carpet. The warning comes too late: the carpet is a sickly coalition of red and orange that simply does not merge with the rest of the bar. An impresion of characterless elegance is maintained with the neon signs and a few framed David Farman posters...one might have walked straight into the poster shop in Camden. Drinks, it must be said, are competitively priced and give a definate boost to the Campaign for Real Ale. Liqueurs are of an indifferent standard, and real juice here is too real to drink to the bottom. Food at the bar provides a variety of choice snacks of meat at 80p and vegetable at 70p-all of a very high standard. The representation of cheese alone is a distingruished one. During Quirks lunchtime period of 12.00 noon to 2.30pm, a selection of country, 'trendy' tunes and other vagrant rhythms pour out of the speakers, although the music battles incessantly against banging and other assorted noises from workmen on the same floor. These dedicated men trickle up to the bar carrying bits of wood and other tools in a sort of pilgrimage! Quirks bar people belong to that nondescript group that you can forget immediately. They seem only too glad to effuse on the virtues of keeping a line of plastic plants above the bar. But in all fairness the service by these individuals is fast and efficient. An alcove containing video games is stumbled upon almost as an afterthought. The inevitable Defender and Tron (among others) do battle here. King's students should be highly amused. Quirks Bar Annexe comes into its own between 5.30pm and 11.00pm, providing cabaret, bands, or disco entertainment. The Annexe has all the lighting, filters and gadgetry to rival the Bloomsbury Theatre. Its possible to lay down a series of different floor coverings as well. Cheap cocktail nights and commercial alcohol promotions are to be welcomed; but they feel particularly vacuous at this graphic artist's dream. Even when crowded out. Quirks is hardly the most atmospheric spot in the Union. ULU's invitation to "make a night of it at Quirks " can be taken at its word (even in the afternoon). It is certainl;y one of the better things to happen at ULU. But dedicated patrons of the Three Tuns Club should beware of Quirks bearing gifts. Quirks Bar: opening times: Monday to Saturday: 12.00-2.30pm 5.30pm-l 1.00pm Sundays: 7.00pm-10.30pm David F Gregory "Waves" is ULU's new health complex, a reasonably cheap place where you can escape from the pressures of all that work you're supposed to be doing, and relax. It comprises of a sauna, solarium, steam baths, a jacuzzi, a massage service, a relaxation area, snack service, free swimming to users during pool hours, and towel hire. "Waves", situated in the basement of ULU in Malet Street, will allow London students to sample all the facilities of a commercial health complex but at a price students can afford. Sessions run from 10.00am in the morning, until 9.30pm at night (Monday to Saturday). Sessions on Sunday begin at 5.30pm until 10.30pm. "Waves" is available to all ULU members and is bookable at the Reception area on production of a valid ULU Card. All sessions run for two and a half hours (Sundays two hours), some male, others female, and also mixed. The result should be that you're relaxed, cleansed and ready to meet the rigours of everyday life! "Waves" Sessions-Monday to Saturday: 10.00am-12.30pm 1.00pm-3.30pm 4.00pm-6.30pm 7.00pm-9.30pm Sunday Sessions: 5.30pm-7.30pm S.OOpm-lO.OOpm Prices are £2.50 Monday-Saturday and £2.00 on Sundays. The Solarium costs £1.00 should you wish to use it. Towel hire is 40p. Becky Lunn The Question Of ULU cards Did you have difficulty getting into Quirks the last time you went there? If you did you will now know that you have to have a ULU card in order to use the majority of the facilities of the University of London Union (ULU) in Malet Street. Admission to the building may even be refused if you don't produce a ULU card. LSE students have had two main complaints to make about the card system: firstly, they have felt inadequately informed about the need to have a ULU card, and secondly, they have found it hard to obtain one. In some respects blame should be apportioned to ULU, for they have not had an effective campaign advertising the need for students to have a card; however, most of the blame should be directed towards the Registry here at LSE - ULU officers say that the LSE Registry should have handed out the ULU cards to students when they registered at the beginning of this term. The Registry failed to do this, despite having the cards, and only made them generally available some time after the beginning of the term. If you would like a ULU card, they are now available from the Registry on the third floor in Connaught House. To make these cards valid, all you need is a photograph, and your signature. It should be noted that each ULU card holder can sign in one guest. Hugh Sergeant \ iir ¦¦ ¦ t ¦ ¦ I OF LONOOM UNION StMWWCIETHY 015809661 UNION CARD SMtlon 1984-85 This card not v*lid until signed and » photograph attached N9 52221 N>m« Sitnatur* pmmmmitivmm 'Characterless elegance' THE NUS CONFERENCE-AUTUMN 1984 The National Union of Students, formed in 1922, now has 1.25 million members in 750 colleges throughout the England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. As such its the biggest single youth organisation in Europe. Its probably not obvious to most individual students what the NUS does. Having only been here for a few weeks, I'm probably in no position to say this, but I'm sure a lot of work goes on behind the scenes as it were. Yet some important student related issues do get discussed. The local point of contact with the NUS is the Student Union which, although affiliated to NUS, operates independently. It is the back-up that NUS gives the Union, especially to elected Student Union officers that forms the basis of much of the work. Nus is the national voice of students. It provides the national co-ordination and representation on the issues that affect all students, such as accommodation, education, welfare, grants and so on. NUS handles 40,000 individual enquiries each year, lobbies over 150 organisations and takes up almost every issue affecting students. On Thursday 1st November, elections were held to decide which students from the LSE would go to vote on some of the issues affecting us at the Christmas Conference which takes place in December. On Friday 26th October, an Emergency Union Meeting was held to decide whether the proposed NUS Conference Motion (for the upcoming Christmas Conference), should be put onto the Conference Agenda. Briefly, the motion proposed that more support ought to be given to the miners strike on the basis that it was a fight for both jobs and communities, and that not to do so would lead to terrible repercussions in action by the (Government, and increased violence on the picket lines due to continued police brutality. It was urged that a demonstration should be called and more money donated to the miners cause. Although the meeting was poorly attended, there was spirited opposition from the few Conservatives who had waited impatiently for the meeting tO; be declared quorate at 1.30pm.' Despite their efforts however, the motion was passed, with an addenda calling for NUS to recognise both LSE SU and the motion. As a result, this motion will now be taken to the NUS Conference in December (full details of the motion can be found on the UGM Agenda for Thursday October 25th, available from the Students' Union). Becky Lunn Beaver 5 November 1984 page 19 IT ISN'T EASY TO FIGHT FOR FREEDOM BUT FIGHT WE MUST Philip Groves, until recently Chairman of LSE Conservatives, reflects on the task which faces its membership. Conservatives involved in politics at the LSE have never had an easy time. It isn't easy to overcome the barracking and threatening behaviour which has become an unhappy feature of certain political gatherings at the LSE. It isn't easy to expound the benefits of free enterprise and private initiative when a socialist, statist mentality still permeates so many. It isn't easy to stand up for law and order at home and a policy to deter potential aggression abroad when Mr Kinnock's Labour Party has committed itself to supporting lawlessness at home and neutralism in foreign affairs. It isn't easy to condemn the violence of picket line mobs when that violence is increasingly excused by exponents of Mr Scargill's criminal brand of "class war". In short, it isn't easy to fight for freedom, but fight we must. Specifically at the LSE, campaigning in the following areas is crucially important to whether we win or lose the battle of ideas: NATO AND THE DEFENCE OF BRITAIN As Conservatives, we believe that the first duty of the state is to protect its citizens from external attack. The Labour Party unequivocally rejects the nuclear deterrent and puts the United States, our greatest ally, on a moral par with the subhuman tyranny which prevails in the Soviet Union. Although Labour's spokesmen know of the massive stockpile of conventional, chemical and nuclear weaponry which the Soviet Union possesses, they would be prepared to put our country at risk in a way which no government - of whatever political colour - has dared to do since the peace of 1945. A unilateral and anti-American "defence" policy would lead to the gradual disintegration of NATO. No wonder the Soviets have welcomed such a foolish proposal. CND's emotive irrationalism must not allow us to forget the stark reality of the Soviet threat. Too often, the initiative in commenting on our defence policies is taken by people who, at the very least, doubt the value of the way of life we seek to defend! At the LSE, we must continue to challenge those who would see us subjugated. We must step up our campaign against the setting up of an "open" committee on CND. Indeed, it should be pointed out that such a committee cannot exist - it is a clear contradiction in terms! How can you have an "open" committee dedicated to only one side of a particular debate? We must also convince friends who are not conservatives that the only hope for the maintenance of freedom and security in Britain lies with the nuclear and conventional defences of NATO. VIOLENCE AND THE MARXIST CHALLENGE TO THE RULE OF LAW The massive scale of the violence and thuggery perpetrated by pickets in the current miners dispute and encouraged and organised by the NUM leadership is a dangerous sign that freedom and democracy are being challenged in mining communities in different areas of the country. Stones, bottles, ball-bearings, bags of urine, bricks and spikes are just some of the weapons wielded against working people and policemen and women. Families and children are victimised, death threats are issued, obscene phone calls become a nightmare for miners' wives left in the house on their own. Hundreds of armed pickets gather outside working miners' homes terrorising and pillaging. Whole communities have to suffer this, while Arthur Scargill exploits to the full the "capitalist media" (which he professes to so despise) to mouth his lies about the Government, the NCB and the Plan for Coal. In the wake of such a threat to ordinary, yet precious freedoms. Conservatives must themselves wake up to the fact that it is only a so-called "liberal" society which, if we are not successful, will tolerate evil forces which in the end will destroy it. Authority and the reassertion of the Rule of Law are things which no Conservative who wishes to defend a free society can afford to shy away from. Mrs Thatcher's stirring words: "Democracy WILL prevail" will be seen as empty rhetoric if we do not fight for the victims of Trade Union militancy in this country, whether they be the unemployed, the victims of closed shops or working people trying to exercise their democratic rights. FREEDOM OF SPEECH Together with LSE Liberals, the Conservatives at college have once more restored the precious right of free speech to any academic, student or visitor at the LSE. Not that the Union ever had the right, either under the Articles of Association of the School or its own constitution, to impose a "no platform" policy. Besides, most of the fascists these days come from the left and not from the right. It is intolerable that an academic institution dedicated to the per-suit of knowledge and truth can be threatened by a totalitarian minority. It is intolerable that a self-appointed elite of socialists, marxists, and other fellow-travellers should be able to dictate not only who is "allowed" to speak but also who we are permitted to listen to. ULTRA VIRES The current controversy over the proposal to make illegal payments from the Student Union games machines is not merely an abuse of the Union's charitable status: it is a breach of the Union's own constitution which clearly states (Part I, Section 4, sub-section 1): "The Union acting as a body and any person acting in his capacity as officer or employee of the Union shall do nothing that is inconsistent with...the status of the Union as an educational charity..." Conservatives must be ready to use the law to defend this principle, if all other remedies fail. COMPULSORY UNION MEMBERSHIP The scandal of the NUS and Student Union closed shop offends against natural justice. It is unjust that a student should be forced to join a union. It is also unjust that the taxpayer and the student have to fund it. A third injustice lies in the fact that democracy in the Union is not representative democracy but a democracy of the committed. Not only are we forced to join and fund a union we may not want, but also in order to ensure that our money is not mispent, facilities misused it is necessary to become involved. The time has surely come to abolish compulsory membership of any association and pave the way for a voluntary union by abolishing the LSE Students' Union as presently constituted. My personal view is that this goal must be the chief priority of LSE Conservatives this year. A voluntary union would be less unrepresentative, less corrupt and more efficient than the present nightmare of committees, caucuses, staffing problems and abuse of our money for blatently political ends. To conclude, none of the issues touched upon in this article are particularly easy ones to win overwhelming support for at the LSE. We must not however, allow such considerations to dull the urgency of campaigning for freedom. The Labour Party is a clear threat to all our freedoms. To quote Michael Heseltine: "They talk of the right of workers - and stamp out the right to work. They talk of the right to speak, but only if you speak their language. They talk of the right to vote, but only if you vote their way. Nakedly, unashamedly, mob rule is seen as the Third Chamber of Parliament." Let us heed those chilling words of that great philosopher Edmund Burke; "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing." Philip Groves Legal Eagle There are a number of areas of the law which particularly affect students in their everyday life. Beaver's Legal Eagles have been given the task of providing you, in succeeding issues, with some of the most important information you may need in order to claim your rights, protect yourselves and your property, keep a roof over your head and generally avoid hassles with the law. Our first survey looks at the law of LANDLORD AND TENANT. The accommodation situation for students in London has always been dire. Under the present government, with its policy of cutting back on education spending, institutions find it next to impossibe to provide more places in halls of residence, a predicament further aggravated by the cut in travel grants. More and more students are having to turn to the private sector to find housing and it is very important that you do not rush into rental agreements without careful consideration of the legal implications of signing such documents. RENTAL AGREEMENTS Your agreement or contract with your landlord can be made verbally, but usually you will be asked to sign a written agreement. 1) Before you sign, check that the following are correct: (a) RENT; (b) the STARTING DATE of the agreement and its length; (c) obligations to pay gas, electricity, water and rates. (2) If you are asked for a deposit, check (a) that you and the landlord have gone round the property and noted in writing any existing damage (b) if the flat is furnished, agree an inventory (c) get a receipt. (3) Some agreements are made on a weekly or monthly basis, ie. rent is due at these intervals but nothing is said about how long the agreement is to last. Subject to statutory security of tenure (come to the Welfare Office for advice) each side can bring the agreement to an end by giving notice (usually one month). Other agreements are for a fixed period. For students, the most attractive fixed period is nine months - that is, if you do not expect to be in London over the summer. If the agreement is for a year (a) think now about whether you will be able to find someone to take your place over the summer; and (b) does the agreement prohibit you from "subletting, assigning or otherwise THE-iiF£OfA TOR/STUD m A Jo6(JiT4 CeHTftltJU tOOtJC, •«/»V.,.NOUJ Drop "iouK tRooSBRs PtubPOT youif. flPHoki oi^... CAsrdfirioNs -TOO CjOOLi POR -TK-flT COnKl!^ . 0 Tr«»T4 parting with possession". If it does, talk to the landlord before you sign. Ask him/her to agree to allow you to sublet for the summer. If s/he asks for a veto on your choice of subtenant(s), you should only agree if s/he promises not to unreasonably withhold her/his consent. It is best to record all this in the agreement, but if s/he is not willing to do this, make sure that her/his verbal promise is firm and make a note of it yourself soon after the conversation. If the agreement is less than 9 months, think seriously about whether you want to begin another search in the middle of the academic year. If you do not, try to negotiate a right to extend the agreement. The agreement will almost certainly give the landlord the power to terminate the contract if you don't keep any of your promises (eg. to pay the rent). This is normal, but watch out for clauses giving the landord the right to terminate for any other reason (even on notice). If you want a secure base for the year, ask for this to be deleted. (4) Find out who will do the landlord's repairs - at a minimum, any structural faults or problems with pipes, cables, drains (except blockages caused by you) and how you can contact this person. (5) KEEP A COPY OF ANY AGREEMENT YOU SIGN AND ANY LETTER YOU SEND TO THE LANDLORD. (6) The Rent Acts set maxima rents and give security of tenure. Landlords try to avoid them by using such devices as holiday lets, licence agreements, Company lets, board or service agreements, shorthold tenancies. If you think you're being offered one of these or want advice on whether you have the protection of the Rent Acts, come to the Legal Advice Sessions, or pick up the leaflet in the Welfare Office 'Rental Agreements'. Even if the Rent Acts do not apply to you, your landlord cannot literally throw you or your belongings out into the street. In almost all cases he must go to the courts first. If you recieve a notice that s/he has applied for a court order, or if you are harassed by your landlord, come to the advice session (if there is time) or contact a local Law Centre, or a local solicitor who does legal aid work (addresses and phone numbers can be obtained from the Legal Action Group Tel: 833 2931; or contact Andrew Nicol in the Law Department on extension 312 or 517). Percy Marchant (My sincere thanks to Mr Andy Nicol for his considerable assistance with this article and the help and advice of Mr Richard Nobles). LEGAL ADVICE SESSIONS: Mondays and Thursdays l-2pm in E294 (term-time only). f..HNt>XDEHY THMT AfJyTH/WC we SOLD f/tiD Nti-seN AND ir jr did IT tvAS A t .... H«,HA ...MO... J NOT as ip hc ivas QAV.. ... EverJ THBU HIMICtinc, u/oUi-O NOT ae necss^nKi... ^oo ^^^^XiveuLO STR/KE DohH UKHOUy IfllTH \ fit THUtioeReeLT N ...c/ese*.. S®) y /A (•vRUi-t.-tutP QvenLoMi:- D/»i.y i-etraKAPH every pay... .masows EVfRy Monday...... i.uwiow meethJCiSevERY THURSDAY.. page 20' Beaver 5 November 1984 BEAVER SPORT HOUGHTON STREET HARRY The new Jumping Season offers a veritable cornucopia of financial opportunities for the perspicacious amongst us. Regular investment in Houghton Street Harry's selections have provided privileged LSE students with a regular supply of income in the past. This term I expect history to repeat itself Below I have set out a list of insurmountable equine talents: the animals mentioned should be followed diligently. Corbiere having been denied by the handicapper last year, will once again triumph in the Grand National in March. Bur-rough Hill Lad cannot possibly lose its Welsh equivalent and Jenny Pitman informs me that all her older horses should be followed with importunity -whatever that means. Nick Vigor's King Harry has a very good name and possesses more ability than his erstwhile form suggests - he might even win a race. Harisceveh lost me a fortune last season and cannot go on losing indefinately; the same applies to Cool Decision who can run much faster than he usually does. The chaser Duke of Milan should develop into a prodigious talent over 3 miles, while at shorter dis- tances Ardent Spy, The Tsarevich, Norton Cross, and The Thatcher may well prove to be outstanding. Centroline has rediscovered some of his old form since I patted him on the head a few weeks ago, and my favourite horse could turn into a useful hurdler. The back end of the flat season should be notable for Super-heights and Mystery' Ship opening their accounts, although the latter is rather a cantankerous female. Finally, the San Francisco Forty Niners ought to be a moral certainty in this year's Superbowl. PS. Caballo (the horse our Union should have owned had my prudent advice been followed), after a string of conspicuous successes has been sold to the USA for an enormous sum. RUGBY Two Out of Three Ain't Bad The LSE 1st XV has just completed a testing two weeks with away fixtures against their main rivals Kings and UCL, and opening of their UAU Campaign against Kent. At Kings the LSE pack, marshalled by the vociferous Ritchie Dahill, a man every other inch an athlete, dominated the game. It was a superb all-round performance while playing into a gale force wind in the first half that enabled the LSE through a try by Jenkins to change ends 6-4 ahead. With the wind now their ally, LSE pinned Kings in their own half but initially found it difficult to turn the advantage into points. Steve 'The Headless Chicken' Hall spent his time depleting the opposition numbers with some uncompromising tackles. However, late in the game a converted try by Kwesi and another 'poached' touch down by Dave 'I want to score all the tries' Conway gave the LSE an excellent 16-4 win over the Strand Poly. PHOTOSOC LIVES! Photosoc staggers to life -the pictures in this issue of Beaver were produced in the refurbished dark room on the new Durst M670 - after its summer hibernation. Get yourself involved at the Annual General Meeting to be held in A344 on Wednesday 7th November at 1pm. Elect Committee (at last!), decide policy regarding meetings and chemicals, hopefully arrange teaching. The following Saturday's journey to Shenley wasn't so successful. With key players missing, the LSE turned in an indiffrent performance and suffered a 20-9 defeat at the hands of UCL. Not wishing to dwell on this, for the record our points came from a penalty by Jenkins and a converted try by Dave Conway (who only seems to catch scoring passes). Most recently the 1st XV successfully embarked on the Twickenham trail with a victory over Kent in their opening UAU divisional group match. The smaller LSE pack turned in another solid performance while strong tackling frustrated Kent's attacking efforts. Dave Conway (its getting boring) had another outstanding game and it was as a result of one of his breaks that the LSE opened the scoring with a try by Jenkins early in the first half. It was a decisive blow and although helped by dubious refereeing Kent found it difficult to find their rhythm during the rest of the first half. After the interval, the LSE never seemed in any real danger. They stretched their slim lead with a drop-goal by Jenkins and sealed the match with an unconverted try fifteen minutes from the end. Kent frantically sought a consolation score in the dying minutes but our defence held firm for an 11-0 victory. The hard core celebrated loudly. Rod Jenkins PLEASE GIVE BLOOD A Blood Transfusion Service will be collecting in the gym of the Old Building all day on Thursday 8th November. Please give generously. FOOTBALL LSE V V UCL After convincingly winning 10-1 against the Royal Free Hospital and defeating an under-strength LSE IV Team in a friendly 4-1, the LSE V's continue their impressive start to the new season by hammering a skilful UC side 5-1 away. The leading scorer Jim Rutherford, continued his prolific goal scoring form by hitting a hat-trick to bring his total to seven, goals in just three games. The first came when Rutherford punished a defensive error by UC with relish. The second was a stunning shot which flew past the startled 'keeper and the third came after some ferocious ball-winning by the LSE midfielders. At the interval the score was 3-0. Further goals from Francis Grant with a beautiful curling free kick, and from Kriton Metax-opoulous demonstrated the potential of the side. Team: C Hall, D Powell, C loannou, M Stratten, K Metax-opoulous, J Steinthal, N Packer, J Davey, J Toh (Capt.), J Rutherford and F Grant. Jimmy Toh OCIETIES' htngsT MONDAY 5 NOVEMBER AIESEC regular meeting. S169 6pm. LSE CHAPLAINCY: "Torture-the facts of the offence". Dr Roger Williamson, Executive for Peace and Human Rights. TUESDAY 6 NOVEMBER AIESEC party at Stringfellows AIESEC Merchant Banking Seminar 6pm. WEDNESDAY 7 NOVEMBER GERMAN SOCIETY - "West Germany and the European Defense". S175 8pm. AIESEC Careers Day: Party at the Hippodrome. FRIDAY 90 NOVEMBER Benefit for EL SALVADOR with SONIDO de LONDRES and Foreign Exchange Tickets: £3.00;£2.00 from Union Shop. SATURDAY 10 NOVEMBER AIESEC Southern Regional Training Seminar, Loughborough. European Local Committee Meeting in Vienna. TUESDAY 13 NOVEMBER LSE CHAPLAINCY: "Jung and the Christian Way" - Chris Bryant. THURSDAY 15 NOVEMBER PUBLIC LECTURE: "Whose Bias? Strikes, TV News and Media Studies" Professor Martin Harrison, University of Keele. Old Theatre 5pm. MONDAY 19 NOVEMBER INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT: "Can America Afford NATO? Is there a European Alternative?" Professor David Calleo, John Hopkins University. Old Theatre 5pm. TUESDAY 20 NOVEMBER LSE CHAPLAINCY: "The Religious Life in the Soviet Union" with Dr Philip Walters. THURSDAY 22 NOVEMBER TURF SOCIETY EXTRAVAGANZA at the Hillel House, Endsleigh Street; with disco and bar open until late. Entry 50p, members free. 8.30pm. OVERSEAS STUDENTS Health Care: A student enrolled in a course of study, the prescribed duration of which is not less than six months, will be accepted as ordinarily resident and not liable to health charges All overseas students must register with the Health Service (8th Floor, Connaught House) as soon as possible. OPEN HOUR: Fridays l-2pm room E296. Shakunt Shah (Overseas Students Welfare Officer). o o oo WOA."K i hay HAVE A 2-1 l»r TKE 3AS - BVI I HAVBK'T , ^moKED'Dopb, Hon. $^ool> foR. aesneBAX^ KOR. ftAYEJ) JH THE FoaUT H ^ WRI'tTeN Fon BSAve« A-UOlii tf-zxcx A viK.aruj'