Fabian Tract No. 5· FACTS FOR SOCIALISTS FROM THE POLITICAL ECONOMISTS AND STATISTICIANS. P UBLISH ED BY THE FABIAN SOCIETY. "No one can contemplate the present condition of the masses of the peoplewithout desiring something like a revolution for the better " (Mr. R. GIFFEN, "Essays in Finance," vol. ii., p. 393). SIXTH EDITION (REVISED). FIFTY-FIFTH THOUSAND. PRICE ONE PENNY. LONDON: T o BE OBTAINED oF THE FABIA:-~ Soc iETY, 276 STRAND, W .C. ]UNE1 1893. \1 dt Ill Ill: s FOR SOCIALISTS FROM Tilt•: 1<. ON MISTS AND ST T[ST[CfANS. I. Ttr~-: NATIO\''s hco~tF. T11v .tttttual ittl't ·ding; or th · populati n in 1HH 1 b ·ing nearly 35,ooo,ooo, about [33 p 'I h ·ad, or .lqo p T adult man. •:• ln 1840 it was about [2.0~, .tnd itt til(JO .l-()1, per head (Mr. Mulhall, "Dictionary o[ Statisl i ·s," p. 245). Sir Lou is Mallet, K. .S.I. (Jn Ii.1 OOicl:), £ tX·".'\ 4, "National lncona: and T.txa tion " ( 'obden lub), p. 23 ............ r ,2/lq,ooo,ooo Professor r. ·on· [,•\ i (King' · olkge, Lon don), 7ilncs, January 13th, t88~ t ,27.J.,ooo,ooo ~lr. H. ,if]' ·n (Board of Trade), "Es ay itt Finance," YOI. ii., pp. 460, 472 (t 81\6) t,27o,ooo.ooo ;\!r.Mulhall, tl\83, "DictionaryofStati ·tic·," p. 243, Incom• for 1882 .................. r,247,ooo,ooo Prof ·ss01· A. Marshall ( ambridge ni\ ·r· it ·), "Re1ort of In lustrial H.emuneration nf •r•nce,"p. 194(January, IS ~), "upward · of" ................................. I 112510oo,ooo ince the ·t.: e ·timate · were mad· the net a " Cssm •nts to income- tax ha\ · ri ·en ( t88t-2 to 1890-I) by £ 3,09-,622 ( tati·tical Ab tract," -6718). II wing for a c rre·p nding rise in the incom •t; not a ·e · ed an I in the wage · of manual lab r, we may •·timate the income for 189 r at n t less than £1 ,35o,ooo,ooo. The p pulation ha ri ·en fr m 34,884, 4 in 1 I t 37,74012 3 in I 91. The e figur ' (which are mainly c mput d fr m income-tax return · ami e ti mated a\'l!rag..: rate · f wages) mean that the price in mon ·y of the comm ditie · and ··n ·ices pr duced in the country during th · who! · <.:OUt"l! fa year \ a · about £q5 per adult man. ~ Mo ·t of th · ·e commoditi • · aud service· w •re u ·ed up within that period iu maintaining thl.! 37,ooo,ooo inhabitants, and Mr. Giffen * It h;~s he •n ""umcd throughont th;~ t one p ''son in e1•ery four i · an adult male, and that th •r' .IIC, Ill\ .Ill .l\Ci;li(C, ti1 e pet son to e"rh f.rmi]y group. I ltm.l) he ol sC11 ed th.rt the estim;~tcd .rmount of" money " or l'llll'enry in the cnuntry is .rhout .{t.;o,ooo,ooo, tig. llinns in 'tll lell<') ,tnd l.'in.IIH'C," p. 272; Report or Deputy-;\laster f the ~lint, I .'<); "'· t;LlS\'hcn's !:\peel'h on s,xond Re;tding tlf the \llll;tge Art, 1 r). .Facts for Sr,n(zb"sts. estimates that about £zoo,ooo,ooo is" saved" annually ("Essays iN. Finance," vol. ii., p. 407). The bulk of this "saving '' exists in the form of new railways, houses, roads, machinery, and other aids to future labor. For sub equent comparison the total is represented by the annexed figure: P. II.-WHo PRODuCES h. The desirable commodities and useful services measured by this yast sum are produced solely by the "efforts and sacrifices" (Cairnes), whether of muscle or of brain, of the working portion of the community, employed upon the gifts of Nature. Adam Smith "showed that labor is the only source of wealth. . . . . It is to labor, therefore, and to labor only, that man owes everything possessed of exchangeable value " (McCulloch's "Principles of Political Economy," part ii., sec. 1). "No wealth whatever can be produced without labor" (Professor Henry Fawcett (Cambridge)," Manual of Political Economy," p. 13). "That useful function, therefore, which some profound writers fancy they discover in the abundant expenditure of the idle rich, turns out to be a sheer illusion. Political economy furnishes no such palliation of unmitigated selfishness. Not that I would breathe a word against the sacredness of contracts. But I think it is important, on moral no less than on economic grounds, to insist upon this, that no public benefit of any kind arises from the existence of an idle rich class. The wealth accumulated by their ancestors and others on their behalf, where it is employed as capital, no doubt helps to sustain industry; but what they consume in luxury and idleness is not capital, and helps to sustain nothing but their unprofitable lives. Byall means they must have their rents and interest, as it is written in the bond; but let t.hem take their proper place as drones in the hive, gorging at a feast to which they have contributed nothing" (" Some Leading Principles of Political Economy," p. 32, by the late John Elliott Cairnes, M.A., Emeritus Profe.sor of Political Economy at Uni\·ersity College, London; 1874). Facts for Soczahsts. Ill.-WHO THE WORKERS ARE. Those who profess to be taking part in the work of the community were divided, at the census of I 88 I, into the following classes : Males. Females. Total. Industrial ..................... 5,899,720 2,097,809 7,997,529 Agricultural .................. 2,435,569 2 I 51I08 216 50,677 Commercial .................. 11158,155 26,344 1,184,499 Domestic ..................... 317,868 2,088,668 2,406,536 Professional .................. 652,943 288,919 94I,862 10,464,255 4,716,848 151I81 1I03 Unoccupied, under 20 .. . 6,IOI 1230 6,6I 11213 12,712,443 Unoccupied, over 20 ...... 407,169 6,584,133" 6,991,302 r6,972,654 !7,912,I94 34,884,848 (Compiled from Reports of the I88r Census for England and Wales, C-3,797; Scotland, C-3,657; and Ireland, C-3,365). The subsequent addition of nearly three millions to the total will have left this distribution substantially unchanged in proportion. Among the professed workers there are, of course, many whose occupation is merely nominal. The number is swelled by the "sleeping" partners, the briefless barristers, the invalids, and the paupers, prisoners, and sinecurists of every description. Many thousands more have occupations useless or hurtful to the community ; and others, as for example domestic servants, labor honestly, but for the personal comfort of the idlers, and they might therefore, as far as production is concerned, as well be themselves idle. Nevertheless there were, in I88r, 407,I69 adult men (one in ll1 twenty-one) who did not even profess to have the shadow of an occupation. Most of these form the main body of the idle rich, " the great social evil of .... a non-laboring class" (J. S. Mill, " Political Economy," Popular Edition, p. 455). It is clear that the labor of the workers is much increased by the presence among them of so large a proportion of persons who take no useful part in the business of life. The possible reduction of the daily hours of work has, however, been much exaggerated. Thus Mr. William Hoyle, writing in r871, committed himself to the assertion that, " assuming every person did their share, a total ofrf hours' daily labor would suffice to supply us in abundance with all the comforts of life" ("Our National Resources," p. 56). It appears from the context that his calculation refers to a communitycomposed exclusively of actual workers in the production of material necessaries, whereas in ordinary human societies about half the population is under the age of twenty, and more than half the adults are women mostly occupied in domestic duties. The rt hours dailyhave, therefore, at once to be multiplied fourfold, and account is even then taken only of food, clothing, houses, and furniture. The whole calculation is indeed of little value, and has never been accepted byother authorities. • ~ost of these are married women engaged in dom•stic work, although not so described. .Facts for Soczcdzsts. IV.-How THE InLE RrcH Ln·E. " Whence is their purchasing power derived ? It does not descend to them from the skies; nor is it obtained by submarine telegraphdirect from California or Australia; nor is its presence exhaustivelyaccounted for by the presence of certain figures on the credit side of their accounts in their bankers' books" (Prof. ]. E. Cairnes, "Some Leading Principles of Political Economy," p. 31). They live, in the main, upon the portions of the national productwhich are called rent and interest, by the legal "guarantee to them of the fruits of the labor and abstinence of others, transmitted to them without any merit or exertion of their own" (J. S. Mill, "Political Economy," Popular Edition, p. 129). "It is at once evident that rent is the effect of a monopoly" (J. S. Mill," Political Economy," p. 255). "Monopoly, in all its forms, is the taxation of the industrious for the support of indolence, if not of plunder" (Ibzd, p. 477). V.-RENT. The total "gross annual value" of lands, houses, tithes, etc., as assessed for income-tax in 1890-1 was £199,299,608; the rents of mines, quarries, ironworks, gasworks, waterworks, canals, fishings, shootings, markets, tolls, etc., amounted to £26,734,888 ("Inland Revenue Report," 1892, C-6731). Many of these are far from being fullyassessed, and the total" rent"" of the United Kingdom must, therefore, exceed two hundred and twenty millions sterling, or nearlyone-sixth of the total produce. P. P.-Total produce, £1,35o,ooo,ooo. R.-Rent, £22o,ooo,ooo. VL-INTERE.ST ON CAPITAL. Interest i distinguished by economists from the rent of land on the one hand, and the "wages of superintendence," or other paymentfor services, on the other. • In 1843 this total was (for Great Britain only) £95,284,497; in 1855 (for thtl United Kingdom), £I24,87r,885. 6 ./