modernising COLL P /o58i FABIAN SeCII'IY BRITISH LIBRARY OF POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SCIENCE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE 10, PORTUGAL STREET, LONDON WC2A 2HD BLPES FABIA~ /IIIII11/lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll 21 0418773 5 S 0 C I 5 'r Y The Fabian Society ian Society is Britain's senior think tank. Concerned since its foundation Jlutionary political and economic reform and progressive social change, 1an Soc1ety has played a central role for more than a century in the mP.nt nf nnlitir:>l i~<>:>< :>n~ n ..hl;r ~~l;r.. ~~ •'-~ 1~.<. -< ---•--The Society BRITISH LIBRARY OF POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SCIENCE 10 Portugal Street, london WC2A 2HD The date for return is shown below unless the book is recalled for another reader. A fine will be charged if the book is returned after the due date. To renew, take the book to the Service Counter or telephone: 0171-955 7225 dependent. our Party's ~ played a edium and 1ges facing and global as and the f. Through Kiety pro> craticallymembers blications, a network me of the Jcomplex ernisation ury. l ritish I ife of today's how such !rnisation Nhat kind identities and their BLPES 1111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 FABIA~ 21 0418773 5 SOC I lilY The Fabian Society The Fabian Society is Britain's senior think tank. Concerned since its foundation with evolutionary political and economic reform and progressive social change, the Fabian Society has played a central role for more than a century in the development of political ideas and public policy on the left-of-centre. The Society is affiliated to the Labour Party but is editorially and organisationally independent. In recent years the Society's work on the modernisation of the Labour Party's constitution and its analysis of changing political attitudes have played a significant part in the renewal of the party's public appeal. Today the Fabian Society seeks to help shape the agenda for the medium and long term of the new Labour Government. Analysing the key challenges facing the UK and the rest of the industrialised world in a changing society and global economy, the Society's programme aims to explore the political ideas and the policy reforms which will define the left-of-centre in the new century. Through its pamphlets, discussion papers, seminars and conferences, the Society provides an arena for open-minded public debate. The Fabian Society is unique among think tanks in being a democratically- constituted membership organisation. Its five and a half thousand members engage in political education and argument through the Society's publications, conferences and other events, its quarterly journal Fabian Review and a network of local societies and meetings. Modernising Britain The Prime Minister has made the modernisation of Britain a key theme of the new Labour administration. The concept of 'the modern' has a long and complex history. The Fabian Society's programme seeks to examine what modernisation might mean -politically and culturally-as Britain enters a new century. In some fields the idea of modernisation is clear. In key areas of British life there are many old institutions which no longer meet the challenges of today's society. One element of the Fabian Society's programme focuses on how such institutions can be reformed . But in other fields the idea of modernisation remains open for debate and challenge. The programme seeks to ask what kind of country Britain should be in the 21st century, exploring our cultural identities and social structures. It aims to explore different visions of modernity and their implications for public policy. Is new Labour working? Foreword Tony Blair Introduction 3 Michael jacobs World class education for all 5 David Blunkett Commentary by David Reynolds 12 A modernised NHS 15 Frank Dobson Commentary by Chris Ham 19 Towards an integrated transport system 22 John Prescott Commentary by Phil Goodwin 27 Freedom from fear: building a safer Britain 29 jack Straw Commentary by Charles Pollard 33 Rebuilding the welfare state: the moral case for reform 35 Alistair Darling Commentary by Fran Bennett 39 People and knowledge: towards an industrial policy for the 42 21st century Stephen Byers Commentary by Rosemary Radel iffe 46 Enterprise and fairness 49 Gordon Brown Commentary by Andrew Gamble 55 Contributors Foreword Tony Blair Back in 1979, the Conservatives claimed, •Labour isn't working". It's been a long and painful journey back from that defeat, but it's a measure of our success that today's Tories don't even dare to make the same charge. As they retreat into a narrow, opportunistic form of opposition, the facts speak for themselves. New Labour is working. It's working as a political project, working as a government, and working to deliver real change. When we say, as we do, that we're for the many not the few, it is more than just a slogan. It reflects the real divide in British politics at the beginning of the 21st century. We are working to make Britain better -step by step. For some, that pace is not fast enough. They want results, and they want them now. I understand that. But it takes time to stop the rot and to put the right foundations in place. Having done that our emphasis now is on delivering real progress, especially in the public services. I accept that this can be difficult, but that's what being in government is all about. Securing the changes we need can be a lengthy process, but it is vital if we are to secure the transformation of Britain which we were elected to bring about. In May 1997 we started on the road of modernisation at a cracking pace. We acted swiftly to make the Bank of England independent and to set up the New Deal. We've gone on to introduce the first ever national minimum wage and invest £40 billion extra in health and education. Soon the Working Families Tax Credit will be helping to make millions of hard-working families better off. The Tories opposed us all the way, but now that the Bank's independence has been shown to be right they are shifting their ground. They may well try to do the same on other policies where new Labour's approach has now been shown to be working. But on this, and on everything else, the public will remember how they voted, where they stood. As we discovered in the long years of opposition, people have long memories and they don't forgive easily. There will be no slowing down in the pace of change. There's too much to be done to slacken off now. If anything, the speed of our modernisation programme will be accelerated. By definition, modernisation has to be a continuous process. Improvement is not just reached, and then achieved. Modernisation and improvement have to be a permanent drive to ensure that things really are getting better. There's been a lot of attention, of course, to our constitutional changes. I'm proud of how quickly we managed to establish the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly. They're now proving themselves and, despite the carping from those who opposed them, I'm convinced that very soon people will find it hard to imagine I ife without them. Lords reform is underway and the hereditaries are on the way out. We're modernising procedures in the House of Commons, so that even more people from all walks of society will consider politics as a career. Before the election, people said that the new Labour Government would become bogged down by its constitutional agenda. Like so much that they said then, it's proved to be utterly false. The constitutional changes are important, but they're not what most people put us into government to do, and we haven't been distracted from the real agenda: education, health, welfare, crime and transport. To help us deliver real change on those issues, there have been important innovations in the way government goes about its business. In the past, different departments tended to plough their own furrows. This is the first truly 'joinedup' government. The Social Exclusion Unit and the Performance and Innovation Unit are just two examples of that. The radical three-year Comprehensive Spending Review has allowed departments to get on with the job, without the distraction of annual battles over money. And the Chief Secretary to the Treasury now makes sure that all departments meet exacting performance targets year on year. This year's Annual Report on the Government's record made clear how much progress has already been made and acknowledged honestly what still needs to be done. The essays in this Fabian pamphlet go further. They explain why we're doing what we're doing. They set out the values and principles that underlie all we do. In short, we want to create a country where fairness and opportunity go hand in hand, where economic efficiency is married to social justice. That's the new Labour message. We welcome an intelligent debate about our principles and policies, but with an ineffective and opportunistic opposition we don't always get one. So I welcome the fact that ministers' views are assessed here by independent outsiders. I may not agree with everything they say, but if it means we can have a serious and principled debate about how we're doing then that has to be healthy. New Labour is working. There is a lot more to do. But we are on the right course. We are determined to deliver our programme of modernisation and reform-applying our values to improve Britain. Introduction Michael Jacobs Mid-term represents a crucial moment for the new Labour Government. We are perhaps as little as two years away from the next general election. The Government has started to be judged on its achievements. New Labour asked forth is-I iterally. Its famous five election pledges were an explicit attempt to write a contract with the pub I ic: vote for us and this is what we will deliver. But the manifesto actually contained many more promises than this: 177 of them to be precise. In government Labour has now published two Annual Reports reminding people of these promises and setting out the progress the Government is making (and in some cases not making) towards them . Some have complained that all this represents a very 'managerial' approach to government. But there is actually something more profound about it. Over the last two decades there has been a dramatic decline in the public's trust in government-indeed in the whole system of political institutions and the pol iticians who run them. A trail of broken promises and under-performing public ·services has left a legacy of cynicism and resignation towards the apparently inevitable failure of public bodies. By exposing its promises to public view, setting out measurable targets to be achieved, and seeking explicitly to be judged on them, this Government is attempting to stem the long-term decline in public trust. But it is a high-risk strategy. If the Government fails, the effect on the public's belief in politics could be terminal. All governments want to govern well. But this is particularly important for governments of the left of centre. If you believe in public services, in the ability of democratically elected government to provide for the public good, the importance of actually delivering quality services is fundamental. For Labour, which has never served two full terms of office, the imperative could hardly be greater. The history of the 20th century shows that it is the Tories who have been the 'natural party of government'. If the 21 stcentury is to be different, the first term achievements of this administration are critical. This is true even for the government's critics. Many people would like to see more resources put into public services. But the public's support for this is dependent on prior evidence that those resources will be spent well. Proof that the Government can bring about improvement is therefore crucial to any future debate about Labour's priorities. This incidentally makes the Government's approach to constitutional and administrative reform, far from being the side issues some have assumed, central to its programme. As a left of centre think tank affiliated to the Labour Party these concerns are close to the Fabian Society's heart. So we asked seven Government ministers to set out what they had been doing in their first two years, what their plans were for the rest of the Parliament; and, most importantly, why. We wanted to get clear the strategic vision . We then asked seven independent commentators to respond, examining the Government's policy agenda and success in delivery. This pamphlet is the result. There were many more areas of government policy we could have included- foreign policy, culture, environment. And there is certainly much more to be said by way of comment and reaction . But if we can contribute to a serious debate about the Government's record so far, and its future plans, the pamphlet will have served our purpose. World class education for all David Blunkett For most of the 20th century, as Tony Blair said recently, "the fundamental failure of British government has been a failure to attach sufficient importance to public education for the broad majority of people". It should no longer be the case that the difference between the best and worst schools in identical socio-economic circumstances is so great. On the brink of a new century, we have a unique opportunity to put this tainted legacy behind us and create a world class education service. Up and down the country there are many innovative and successful schools taking up the standards crusade. They have high expectations of every pupil, excellent teachers, effective leadership from headteachers, access to up-to-date technology, and strong links with local businesses and universities. Our challenge as a Government is to cherish schools like these, learn from them and put in place policies that ensure every school has the opportunity to match them . To do so, we must have high expectations of everyone, regardless of background or circumstances. We must target support to those who need most help to reach those high standards. And we must change the culture. The tradition of blaming everyone else for failure is being replaced with a culture in which everyone, not least the Secretary of State, accepts responsibility for improving pupil performance. Delivering results requires good policies, well-implemented and a great deal of hard work. To paraphrase Bertolt Brecht, the new dawn of high achievement for everyone will not come after a night of sleep. A strategy for excellence We set out our strategy for achieving our ambitions in the White Paper, Exce llence in Schools, published just 67 days after the election. Teachers and our other educational partners have responded since then with great commitment to implementing that agenda. Our approach has four key elements: laying firm foundations in the preschool and primary sectors; the promotion of improvement in all schools; a drive for social inclusion; and the modernisation of the comprehensive system. If we want a world class education service in the next decade we must first of all lay firm foundations, which means doing everything we can in this Parliament to get the best primary education possible. We are already delivering on this challenge. The £540 million Sure Start programme joins up education and health advice for the parents of very young children. We are ensuring nursery education for all four year olds, and doubling the number of places for three year olds. Our class size pledge is ahead of schedule, with 130,000 youngsters 111 cl.~ssPs of JO or IPss, m111g to nPJrly WO,OOO by SPplember 1999. Tlw pledge willlw 1rnpiPmPniPd on tmw c~nd 111 full by 200 1 MP.111wh iiP our IIIPr<~c y hour IS 111 piJc l' 111 <~ I most pvery pnm,try school. A yPM .JP,O rn.my lw,tds WPrP .Jnx1ous .llld rP~I~Idnllo the l1te>r.JC y str.JIPgy. Now mde> pPndPnl op1n1on polls shows thdt .~round 90 pe>r crnt of lw<~ds support it dnd nPMiy 60 rwr rPnt lwiii'V<' 11 will s1gn1fic <~ntly r.JIS<' st,md,mJs. In l1ttiP more th,ut 12 months tlwrP h<1s lw!'n ,, c ultur.1l tr,tnsform<~tlon. TlwrP m<~y still be dPI),J!Ps .1bout dPt.Jils of how to IP.J< h phon1rs now but no onp clllY longer dPb.ttPs wlwtlwr to tp,JC h phoniC s. S1mi1Jrly, tlw d<~ ily mdtlwm<~IICS le>sson, wh1c h dews not offlc I.JIIy b<>glll until SPpiPmlwr, IS so popul<~r th.Jt two tlmds of S< hools h.tVI' 1rnpiPI11PillPd II (',Jrly T .tkPn togPtlwr, thPSP llllll.lliVPS clmountto no IPss th.1n" n•volut1on 1n prun,try Pdurlpg,lllng .ts llldny r<>sourc PS JS poss1biP to s hools, giving tlwm rPsp< ns1bility for 1111prov1ng tlwm splvc•s. We prov1dP them with good lwnc hm.tl king dc1ta to <'nJbiP tlwm to comparP thC'msplves to others hools Jnd l'VN lnUP.JSII1g accc•ss to .tdvl<<' on lwst pr<1ct1re, from tlw St.JndJrds S1te on the lntl'nwt to tlw be<~ron schools progr<~mnw. just JS we providl' support for 1m provPmPnt, so WP prov1dP prPssun• too through regular 1nspC'Ction, publ1shPd t.trp,t>ls .md tlw performam!' t.Jbl!'s. 1 his romb1nat1on of both prpssurP and sup port is d11v1ng lmprovPnwnt JUSt <~s 1t h.ts done 111 other ountriPs. And wlwr und<'l J><'rformJnce IS 1dPnt1f1Pd, Pltlwr .tt school or I o Jl [durJIIon Authority (II A) IPvPI, W<' will notlwsltcltP to 1ntP1VPnP to Pnsure pup1b gPt tlw C'ducation tlwy dPSPIVP. As d IPsult of our robust <1pp10arh, the numbPr of f.tiling schools Is now fs to turn round d fJIIing s hool hJs f.JIIPn f1om .tn JVP I.lg<' of 25 month~ wlwn we ca mp into offi !'to on ly 18 lnontlt~ now . Tlw thi1d !'IPnwnt of our ~tl .liP!W 1 tlw dnve> for soc 1al in lu~ 1on . In tlw long run, tlw III<'I•KY .Jnd ntmwr,H y sll.ttPgiP~ will make a rucial contnbutionlwre> too, but otlwr Important pol1cy dt>vt>lopnwnts Me Jlre>ady m.tklllg J d1ffNPm e. As,, rPsult of our rt'Pn PJpPr on ~p!'ci.l l t>du cll iOilJIIW('d~ ( rN) ,llmost £60 mil Iron h.t~ bP<>nm.tdP ,w,lll.tbi P to ~uppo11 LN pupil Jnd 1mprove> anP~s to IH!IIdlllg~. MP,mwhilt> l [A~ h.tvP t.tlgPh to 1t>du <'truancy Jnd PXC lus1on by orw thlld by 2002. Tlw numbt'l of pPrm.tiWnt c•xclu~ 1on~ fell 111 1998, fo1 thP flr~t tlnw ~1m<' flgul<'~ hdVP bc•pn collt•c tt>d. Ovt>r Lc:oo mill ion IS be>ing 1nvt>~te>d 111 In ~< hool c c•ntlt'~ fo1 <'Xt ludPd pupil~, PIPe troni regi~trat1on ~ IH'nws ,1nd otlwr inltl,ttivP~. llw ovpr I<'Jll<'~<'nt.ttlon of cNtain ethni mlnonty group~ among tho~<' <'Xt lud<>d is <1lso bt>lng t.H kiPd by publish1ng the rplpv,lnt d.lt,l, u~rng Obtt>d to rnspPc t annu.1lly ~chool\ with h1gh lt'veb of e>xclu~ion and hall<>ng rng tlw wcmt offt>ndrng l fA~ to t.1 kit> tlw p1oblem. We have made good progress on reducing the percentage of pupils who leave school with no qualifications-falling from 7.7 per cent to 6.6 per cent in the last academic year. Our goal is that as many as half of all pupils should take advantage of the academic challenge of higher education, while those with different aspirations should have the knowledge, skills, understanding and attitudes to equip them for a place in a job market. The fourth core feature of our programme is the modernisation of the comprehensive system. The system developed in the 1970s and 1980s has not delivered what its advocates hoped for, never mind what we require for the 21st century. Some schools have prospered, but not enough. Where grammar schools exist, it is a matter for parents to decide on admission arrangements. However, the vast majority of secondary schools take children on a non-selective basis. What parents want to see are schools which provide diversity within the campus and meet the needs and aspirations of all children, whatever their talents, abilities or learning needs. We need schools which focus on individuals, which challenge each pupil always to do better, which are unashamed about excellence, which remove barriers to learning wherever necessary and which link young people to opportunities in other schools and out-of-school. We need schools which focus on what works and abandon a dogmatic attachment to mixed ability teaching. No pupil's education should be confined or restricted simply because of the school they happen to attend. Our modernisation programme is advancing towards this goal. We have already doubled the number of specialist schools and wi II double it again to at least 800 schools-nearly one in four of all secondary schools-by 2003. These schools, all with strong support from business, have improved their performance at twice the rate of the average comprehensive, as well as increasing the diversity of our schools system. This is an ambitious programme of modernisation by any standard. Our goal is nothing less than to transform both the reality and the perception of comprehensive education, providing a system which all of us are proud of and which parents of all backgrounds believe can fulfil the needs and aspirations of their children. Against elitism There are still too many in the education world-a shrinking minority, but still too many-who hanker after the quiet life of the past when the failure of half our pupils was taken for granted. In spite of the progress, some researchers are so obsessed with "critique", so out of touch with reality that they churn out findings which no-one with the slightest common sense could take seriously. For example, a report from Durham University recently suggested that daily homework is bad for children. If that is so, why is it such a firm part of provision in independent schools and good state schools? Why is it that past research has shown its importance in extending opportunity especially for those from disadvantaged circumstances? Our policy recommends that parents should read with young children for 10 minutes a day and that older primary school pupils to be creative- we wi II open the gateway to work for every young person, we will lay the foundations for a successful economy and we will liberate literally millions of individuals from that agonising sense of low self-esteem and low confidence that has sapped the energy and damaged the I ives of so many people in previous generations. Investing in education Our commitment to invest in education is, even at this early stage, making a visible difference. Around 10,000 school buildings have been improved through the New Deal for Schools. Over the course of this Parliament, capital investment in schools will have doubled. Revenue funding will increase in real terms each year for three years. This will enable us to right some of the wrong we inherited. For example we have provided money to enable schools to buy an extra 23 million books and we are investing £180 million in school music to extend opportunities for instrumental tuition . We have placed a particular emphasis on investment in Information and Communications Technology (ICT) . ICT has the potential to transform educational opportunity, raise standards for pupils and prepare them much more effectively for work. It is the way to ensuring a confident workforce at the cutting edge of change. By 2002 the education service will be fully equipped for the ICT revolution: every school will be networked. We are investing almost £700 million to make this possible-already 30 per cent of primary schools, 45 per cent of special schools and 90 per cent of secondary schools are part of the National Grid which receives 1 million hits a week; and above all, we will invest £230 million in training teachers so that they can ensure ICT makes a difference where it matters-in the classroom. Working with partners Traditionally the education service has too often been introverted and out of touch with the mainstream of social change. The priority we attach to education will help to change that image as will our determination to create new partnerships across public sector boundaries and between the public and private sectors. This means schools working with an imaginative range of partners including libraries, museums, community centres, universities, colleges and the 36 Premier League and Nationwide Division One Football Clubs who are committed to our Playing for Success initiative. This last initiative alone is already providing learning opportunities for 16,000 pupils. We are also encouraging new partnerships among LEAs who are finding innovative solutions to shared problems. Shropshire and Telford and Wrekin, for example, share an advisory service. In addition, our Education Action Zone programme means that in places like Newham and Sheffield education and other services are working with major companies to expand opportunities for teachers and pupils and to raise standards. Our planned National Leadership o llt·tw w ill budd on th l' g•ow •n g t' pCIIl'llCl' of linb bctw l'n s h o l and bu., IIH''' I t•.tdt·• ~ \ U( h ,1., tlw Bu'> IIW'' 111 tlw ommuni ty h adtl'a her ment rin pwg.,unl11(' to ('ll'> Ui t' th,1t o ur ., hoollt•a d ,., lra 111 fr m the br <.t lradt>r 1n ny f• t• kl .1nd 1nd t•Ni in ,my w unt1 y. A vi ion fort • u< < l'\\ 111 ti ll' 2 1 q < t• nttii Y w ill dt• ppnd Ill iall y on h,wing an <1111biti u~, fo r- w,ud lool..i ng, Olllwt11d f,1 ing (('tit hing profrssion in w hit h SLI CCl'S i rc ogni d .md ll'W,Hdl'd. fh i., nw,,n., t1 profc~si on whi h i<; w II It'd t1nd properl y up- pol tt•d, w 1th t<'•1 hl'f\ w ho h,we ti nw to tt•a h and kcrp th l'i r ski lis up to dat . W t• rwed ,, p• ofe...,io n w hr h i., pt'ICl'IVCd by ., irty as I adrng u into th e l t•t~ 1111ng so< rl'ty ,md 111 w hr t h .11nbitiou., g1.1duate ~t·e opp rtunit it> f r rapid c,Hl't'r ,,dvtlnn•nw nt. ur edu .1t01<; •wed to have tlw <;a m onfid n e in th m- 'l'IVl'\ tl w '•111 1l' ,1111brt1 011 , tlw s,mw •t• lr sh fo1 h,m g , th at w e find in our b st bli\ IIH'"l''. I ht•f t' 1., ,1 huge giOund.,wt•ll of ~ uppo1 t .1mong p d ,,nt•w N,IIIOihll lllllt ulul11 ,md expl1 tit q,m dard., f r all tl'a lwr tl tl lll lng and legl\ l,ltl'd 01 th e t le,l ti OII of ,1 •l'nl'ltll l l',Kh111 g Ollll rl (the ll'tl IWf" \ 1 eq uiV,l- lt• nt of tlw •l'l1l' l,ll Medl<' o n I the f11 \l '-ll'Jl' · U ntrl th t• •t• 1'-gl'lllll lll' ll'W,Hd fo1 p10 r n <; Lf <'" 111 b th manag 111 ent .md th e t I,I'-"OOI11 , t.l lentt•d gl,ld u,lte'> wi ll tr nd to lo l.. rl .,ewhe• ~.> . V\/p "hould not, tl w •efon•, undt'll'\lllll•lll' the srt1 ll' of change r~.>q uirt>d. W t• h<1 ve ,, 111 \!0II t oppo rtun it to en h,11 1n• th e ll'W,1f d', oppo1tunrtil>' and qatus all good tl'.lt ht·r ... ln •t•tu•n fo1 ••go1ou' ,,,,e...,l11 t'nl, w~.> a11.> p1 po., •ng a srgn• i <1 nt lhl 1 111t ll'•l'-l' lo1 .1 1.11 gt• p10po• t•on of the p•ofe.,..lon . tea her rll gl>l the .u1nu,1 l p.1 ,n .11d t f ·olll'-l', bu t ''!:\111 f1 .1n t e 1~<1111 nt.' w ill be" ,11 lab le f r thtl'-l' \\ ho111et•t l11 •h p10ft'"l011ttl q,md.lld.,. n,,.. "n 1t .1 .1-.e of n , obliga 11011'-lt'll1 • 1111 Jl0"t'd fo1 no l' lf ,lfl'\\,lld. nth • on11.11 te.~rher.. ' ho pas the Ill'\\ tllll''h 1ld \l,md to •,1f n 12, 000 wl11rh would not b ,, ,lf l,lble through tlw ,lflflll.ll P•l ' 11 1lll'•l'-l'. \ l' .Ill' p10V1d1ng till' 111 e-tnwnt be .1u'-e \\e are on- ' lllll'd tl1.1t 11 '' 11~htto 11 1.1l..t• 11 po,..,bll' fo 1 good tr.1 he'' to ga 1n h1 gher r \\,If d-. Ill ll't Og ii iiiOil of tht• lf ~1l'fl0111hll1t (> , In .tddi lll111 , oll111li.ll •'PiJ' •""'II, ,I, II .lpplll'' Ill '0 111<1 11 othl'l rrofe,,IOn,, -. hould lwnlllll' p.11tof thl'' '<;\l'l11, 1nrlud111!:\ t~n ·l"'l'''nwnt oltlw p10'Il""' nMde b 10 pupil-. Itt•• .111 tht'll' '' noth111 • tlhll 111.1lll'' ' mort' to -.dmol, tiMn the q uality o llt·tw w ill budd on th l' g•ow •n g t' pCIIl'llCl' of linb bctw l'n s h o l and bu., IIH''' I t•.tdt·• ~ \ U( h ,1., tlw Bu'> IIW'' 111 tlw ommuni ty h adtl'a her ment rin pwg.,unl11(' to ('ll'> Ui t' th,1t o ur ., hoollt•a d ,., lra 111 fr m the br <.t lradt>r 1n ny f• t• kl .1nd 1nd t•Ni in ,my w unt1 y. A vi ion fort • u< < l'\\ 111 ti ll' 2 1 q < t• nttii Y w ill dt• ppnd Ill iall y on h,wing an <1111biti u~, fo r- w,ud lool..i ng, Olllwt11d f,1 ing (('tit hing profrssion in w hit h SLI CCl'S i rc ogni d .md ll'W,Hdl'd. fh i., nw,,n., t1 profc~si on whi h i<; w II It'd t1nd properl y up- pol tt•d, w 1th t<'•1 hl'f\ w ho h,we ti nw to tt•a h and kcrp th l'i r ski lis up to dat . W t• rwed ,, p• ofe...,io n w hr h i., pt'ICl'IVCd by ., irty as I adrng u into th e l t•t~ 1111ng so< rl'ty ,md 111 w hr t h .11nbitiou., g1.1duate ~t·e opp rtunit it> f r rapid c,Hl't'r ,,dvtlnn•nw nt. ur edu .1t01<; •wed to have tlw <;a m onfid n e in th m- 'l'IVl'\ tl w '•111 1l' ,1111brt1 011 , tlw s,mw •t• lr sh fo1 h,m g , th at w e find in our b st bli\ IIH'"l''. I ht•f t' 1., ,1 huge giOund.,wt•ll of ~ uppo1 t .1mong p d ,,nt•w N,IIIOihll lllllt ulul11 ,md expl1 tit q,m dard., f r all tl'a lwr tl tl lll lng and legl\ l,ltl'd 01 th e t le,l ti OII of ,1 •l'nl'ltll l l',Kh111 g Ollll rl (the ll'tl IWf" \ 1 eq uiV,l- lt• nt of tlw •l'l1l' l,ll Medl<' o n I the f11 \l '-ll'Jl' · U ntrl th t• •t• 1'-gl'lllll lll' ll'W,Hd fo1 p10 r n <; Lf <'" 111 b th manag 111 ent .md th e t I,I'-"OOI11 , t.l lentt•d gl,ld u,lte'> wi ll tr nd to lo l.. rl .,ewhe• ~.> . V\/p "hould not, tl w •efon•, undt'll'\lllll•lll' the srt1 ll' of change r~.>q uirt>d. W t• h<1 ve ,, 111 \!0II t oppo rtun it to en h,11 1n• th e ll'W,1f d', oppo1tunrtil>' and qatus all good tl'.lt ht·r ... ln •t•tu•n fo1 ••go1ou' ,,,,e...,l11 t'nl, w~.> a11.> p1 po., •ng a srgn• i <1 nt lhl 1 111t ll'•l'-l' lo1 .1 1.11 gt• p10po• t•on of the p•ofe.,..lon . tea her rll gl>l the .u1nu,1 l p.1 ,n .11d t f ·olll'-l', bu t ''!:\111 f1 .1n t e 1~<1111 nt.' w ill be" ,11 lab le f r thtl'-l' \\ ho111et•t l11 •h p10ft'"l011ttl q,md.lld.,. n,,.. "n 1t .1 .1-.e of n , obliga 11011'-lt'll1 • 1111 Jl0"t'd fo1 no l' lf ,lfl'\\,lld. nth • on11.11 te.~rher.. ' ho pas the Ill'\\ tllll''h 1ld \l,md to •,1f n 12, 000 wl11rh would not b ,, ,lf l,lble through tlw ,lflflll.ll P•l ' 11 1lll'•l'-l'. \ l' .Ill' p10V1d1ng till' 111 e-tnwnt be .1u'-e \\e are on- ' lllll'd tl1.1t 11 '' 11~htto 11 1.1l..t• 11 po,..,bll' fo 1 good tr.1 he'' to ga 1n h1 gher r \\,If d-. Ill ll't Og ii iiiOil of tht• lf ~1l'fl0111hll1t (> , In .tddi lll111 , oll111li.ll •'PiJ' •""'II, ,I, II .lpplll'' Ill '0 111<1 11 othl'l rrofe,,IOn,, -. hould lwnlllll' p.11tof thl'' '<;\l'l11, 1nrlud111!:\ t~n ·l"'l'''nwnt oltlw p10'Il""' nMde b 10 pupil-. Itt•• .111 tht'll' '' noth111 • tlhll 111.1lll'' ' mort' to -.dmol, tiMn the q uality Commentary David Reynolds The Government's educational policies are rational and comprehensive. The focus on the early years and on primary education is a sharp corrective to the British obsession with secondary schools, and is in accord with the academic evidence showing the effects of schooling in this phase. The focus on improvement through 'pressure and support' is in line with the research evidence about 'what works'. The dual strategy of modernising comprehensives through setting-which reduces the range of achievement that teachers have to deal with-and encouraging schools to specialise, is to be welcomed. In addition, the system's tendency to exclude those it has failed, and then blame them, is rightly being replaced by a new emphasis upon inclusion and high expectations of all children. Most important is the focus on the variation in quality of schools; the aspiration being that al l schools should be brought up to the level of the best. These policies will help generate the 'world class schools' that the Prime Minister and Secretary of State want. However, an impartial assessment must admit to concerns in four main areas. Firstly, there is the issue of resources. The increase in public spending on education will push education spending to 5 per cent of national income by the end of this parliament, still a full one per cent below its peak and approximately two-thirds of a per cent below comparable industrial nations. This relative poverty of resources means that British class sizes will stay larger, British teachers more overworked and British schools more under-resourced than those of our economic competitors. If we wish for truly world class schools, we may have to embrace world class expenditure levels. Secondly, generating school improvement may necessitate looking at international experience more closely than has happened thus far. Taking examples of innovative ideas from other countries and having an open mind to what other countries could teach us were hallmarks of Labour in opposition, but not in Government. The Education Green Paper in 1997 contained very few references to other countries, except in the appendix where the international achievement I ague tables showed their success. Initiatives such as the Dutch reforms of special needs education, or the Pacifi Rim's current attempts to blend 'traditional' and 'modern' practice hold interesting insights. Thirdly, the balance between 'pressure' and 'support' for schools is still not qu1te right. Pressure comes from the publication of results, the effects of parental cho1 ce in the educational mark tplace, the general political climate in which education is situated and the 'bidding culture' in which schools compete for funds. It comes particularly, though, from OFSTED, which under its present leadership clearly sees its role more as the champion of consumer rights against producer interests than as a support to, or a force for improvement of, teaching standards. Support comes in a more fragmented fashion from higher education establishments, local education authorities, educational consultants (often of dubious quality), and, increasingly, the private sector. Yet there is no guarantee that those schools most in need of support are able to choose what they need. More generally, there has been only a partial dissemination of knowledge about 'what works' in schools. The Literacy and Numeracy Strategies have achieved this in primary schools but there has been little corresponding 'roll out' of appropriate best practice to key players in the secondary sector. This is particularly true in relation to local education authorities who are meant to be pivotal agents of school improvement, and the middle management of secondary schools. Knowledge- centres with an awareness of best practice do exist which these groups could draw on. It would be a great pity if schools and teachers were denied access to them because they didn't know they existed. Fourthly, as David Blunkett's essay recognises, there is the core issue of the teaching profession itself and how it can be modernised. Few would doubt that teaching has been a poorly resourced profession, with variable performance from its members and an absence of financial, and indeed other, rewards for excellence. There has been I ittle of the managerial excellence, responsiveness to consumer needs and wi II ingness to innovate that marks out the best private sector businesses and aspects of the pub! ic sector. Linking teachers' salaries to demonstrated competencies and to the progress made by their pupils sensibly focuses on the core elements of teachers' professional I ives. Though this policy on pay is sensible, many teachers do not see it that way. One reason for this is probably their disillusionment with the government's unwise media 'spinning' which has been concerned less with teachers and their views than with courting the public, not least sections of the public who are suspicious of state education. This has sometimes trivialised complex issues. Nor has the focus on the 'trailing edge' of teachers and schools helped (typified by the 'list of shame' that swiftly followed the general election), as it has diverted attention from the real British educational weakness, which is that the average teacher is not good enough. Policies are sometime not portrayed in a 'teacher-friendly' manner where they could be. For example, performance related pay should have been portrayed as extending to all schools what good schools already did. Instead it was presented with the national political audience in mind, which is why it was sold as being 'new'. In short, teachers have been portrayed as part of the problem, when of course policies dictate that they are also the solution. Overall, there is much to admire in the Government's educational policies. The A modernised NHS Frank Dobson At the mid-term of the Parliament there are still many things in the NHS that need to be improved, still much more to do. We have made a start-Health Service funding will be increased by £21 billion over the next 3 years; waiting lists are now 60,000 lower than when we were elected; the number of NHS doctors has gone up by 2000 in our first year of office; and nurses have received the highest pay award in a decade. But it's only a start. A new vision It was Labour's vision of health care for all-quality and equality-that led to the foundation of the NHS. And it is sti II working: most people in most parts of the country most of the time get top quality treatment and care. But the service is often not as prompt as it should be, sometimes it's not as good as it shou ld be and in some parts of the country some services aren't available at all. That's not good enough. Everybody in every part of the country should be secure in the knowledge that if they or one of their family fall ill the NHS will be what they need, where and when they need it: a genuine one-nation health service, combining social justice and economic efficiency. We have a thoroughly worked out programme for delivering this vision. First, clear national standards through the National Institute for Clinical Excellence (NICE) and National Service Frameworks. Second, strong local incentives for innovation through clinical governance in hospitals, and devolution of power and resources to Primary Care Groups and Trusts. Third, helped by surveys of patients' own views, transparent external monitoring-of efficiency, quality, and access, along with a Commission for Health Improvement to see these standards are delivered. In these ways we are combin ing national standards for care with local flexibility. This really is a third way beyond old-style command and control and the pseudo market introduced by our predecessors. Our vision includes long term action to reduce health inequalities -though these will take a generation to show up in statistics. And we want people to have more information and power over their own health . This requires 10 to 20 years of concerted action: chi ld poverty eliminated, smoking down, healthy lifestyles more widespread. To achieve this, Health Authorities will draw up and implement health improvement programmes to identify and meet the health and health care needs of the people in their area. Over the next decade, we hope to see 300,000 lives saved . 'SIIN .Hp JO AIOI''ll ·lljllll l.lllliPJROJd Rli!PI!11C) ll'l!l' ;)AI'lj ,)M ·'l!liM 'll )11()CJI' fl·'~ll'l Allll) ,\,)lllll' lll ,, ,))lf,)loliJifl l<;.l!J ,)q L ';)l,lllll'.)IIIJ.) ,, 'IJO..,;).l,lp,ltd Ill() liiOIJ l! 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