BRUKHUBBARYOFPOtinCfll S ECONOMIC SCIENCE 1 SJllN 1990 NEWSPAPER OF THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS STUDENTS' UNION No. 116 FEBRUARY 17th, 1972 5 STUDENT POWER STRIKES AGAIN ••...intrinsic 'biological constitution and psychodynamic forces. Impulsivity alone is ambiguous and.. can't see to maJce notes! The picture above was taken in the OT during a power cut in the middle of Dr. Sealy's __lecture on psychology._ FUNNY MONEY JN one of those rare flashes of revolutionary optimism, "Beaver" determined to try to sort out the legal and financial proceedings Union has been involved in since U.D.I, a month ago. From the morass of rumours, plans, and half-understood court orders, a fairly straightforward story emerges. The bank, it seems, hasn't a legal leg to stand on (though it dpes hold thousands of the School's pounds in its vaults). The question thus becomes, is the bank's continued withholding of the funds politically motivated ? and if so, what could Union's next action be? There follows, for historians and other interested parties, a chronology of the crisis so far. This is the past; the future is up to you ! Friday, 14 J'an.: Union declares UDI..... Monday, 17 Jan.: Director informs National Westminster Bank of this action ; the bank co-operatively freezes Union funds. Friday, 21 Jan.: Union representatives, along with our solicitors, meet with a judge in chambers. Judge grants unconditional ex parte order on the bank to release £750 to Union (thus implying that the old Council are still legally signatories for the account). Tuesday, 25 Jan.: Another hearing, thisi time both the bank and the School ai-e represented. The previous order is increased to £1,500. At the last minute, on the School's advice, the judge agrees to add the condition that the plaintiffs proceed with all reasonable expedition to hold elections under the existing Constitution. Over the following week, most of the £1,500 was spent—£1,000 to cover wages through the end of February (the director having long since rescinded his offer to pay staff wages) and the rest on equipment earlier voted by Union and on bills. Since the court order had been given verbally (the exact wording and existence of the written version remains a minor mystery), this money had been spent bsfora the condition—i.e. to hold elections— was realised. Thus members of the old Union Council could technically be in contempt of court—and this danger would be increased if they are seen to be not acting in good faith, such as publicly advocating postponement of the old constitution elections, or proposing new constitution elections. According to our solicitors, for Council to be found in contempt of court it would require an interested party (i.e. the bank or the School) to bring a charge before the court. Last week Union's solicitors sent a letter to the solicitors of botli these parties, explaining that Union had decided to suspend any elections at this point, in view of the continuing negotiations, and thus there is no point in observing that part of the order. The letter also pointed out to the bank that they have no groimds for continuing to v.'ithhold Union funds, since the court—by ordering the previous sums released—has in effect recognised the position of the old Council as legal signatories to the account. Thus, the next move is now up to the bank. Tory Ministers may not know where they are going to get their next shovelful of coal from, the pot of activities in support of the miners is bubbling away quite briskly at the LSE. Pickets from the School have been outside the gates at Battersea power station continuously since the call went out. The Industrial Relations Society raised £25 at a meeting held on February 8th addressed by the Industrial Officer ot the NUM. Collections have been taken at Union meetings for the strike fund. This is part of a nationwide movement of support for the miners. In a North-East mining village, the local barber is cutting miners' hair free for the duration of the strike. In another village, the baker is supplying bread at half-price. Ford's (of Dagenham) shop stewards have-placed their office at the disposal of NUM pickets in Essex, and the canteen ladies are making food parcels for miners' families. In order to further develop support for the miners. Union decided on February 11th:— "This meeting of the Students' Union of the LSE expresses its support for the miners in their struggle for a decent living wage. We congratulate those of our members who have taken their place on the picket lines alongside the miners, and those who have donated to the miners'strike fund. "In order to develop our support, and to involve more of our members, we resolve to 'adopt' a NUM branch for the duration of the strike. "¦We nominate a member to take responsibility for initiating activity to this end. "We further resolve to request the NUS to urge that all colleges adopt a branch of the NUM for the duration of the strike in order to give practical help from as many NUS members as possible to the miners.'' This will give an opportunity to those who wish to support the miners to do so in a practical way. The idea of an outing for children of miners in Kent has met with an immediate response. The Social Admin, people arp having a cheese-and-wine lunch and it was suggested that the proceeds should go towards the outing. Passfield Hall are having a social on February 18th in support of the miners—watch for details. The links that we will build in the course of this activity will, it is hoped, prove durable and may provide possibilities for further joint activity both during and after the strike. Of course, much needs to be done to make the outing a success. We would like volunteers to help on March 4th—the day of the outing— and before. If anyone is prepared to make a donation or to offer prizes for draws, etc., would they please contact me via the U/G pigeonholes. Above ali, our greatest need is for money. Would it be asking too much for societies to set themselves a target of a few pounds that they can raise by their own activity? J. CUMMINGS MINERS' PICKETS STILL URGENTLY NEEDED FOR BATTERSEA P.S. SIGN ON IN S. 116 BI' AVER. Feb. 17th, 1972—Page Two Tale of Pseudo-Revolutionary with us, and on the whole the natives were friendly and co-operative rather than hostile. We felt much less inhibited as a group than when restricted into conventional individual couples: we all had a great time and also struck a blow at trivial sexist discrimination. However, as we were leaving, a slightly inebriated member of a well knowTi Left Wing organisation came up to a group of Women's Lib girls and shouted in their faces: "Women's Lib are a load of wankers." Unfortunately -tor him he chose the wTong girls, because instead of cringing embarrassedly as girls usually do when faced with crude insults, they grabbed him and his crony by the sleeve and demanded to know just why he was insulting them. Thereupon the crony of the guy with the big mouth, who shall re- Wot's wrong with skinheads anyway? I've always thought Women's Lib were a load of prejudiced queers and A.W.'s article confirms this. Any more crap puMing down the skinhead movement will result in A.W. getting her face smashed in. B.B. "Who are you calling a Wanker, Wanker." THE WRONG END OF THE STICK THE FACTS I T is difficult for people in Britain and especially in the LSE, to comprehend the background to Ulster politics. To talk in terms of "the evils of capitalism" and of well-reasoned arguments is to misunderstand the underlying malaise and tragedy of Ireland. The malaise is, in one word. Sectarianism. On the one hand you have the original people of Ireland, who are mostly Roman Catholic, and on the other hand the descendants of the 17th century settlers, who are mostly Presbyterian, Methodist, and Church of Ireland—or Protestant. These two communities have a long history of .enmity. The Catholics wi.sh to re-establish an independent Ireland, and the Protestants to maintain the Union. The political twist emerged when the Liberals, under Gladstone, supported Home Rule to gain the Irish Parliamentary Vote, and Lord Randolph Churchill grabbed the "Orange Ticket" for the Conservatives. The Liberal connection has become of little relevance with the decline of the Liberal Party, but the Conservative connection unfortunately survives. The Liberals tried to bring in Home Rule in 1914, and a virtual Protestant revolt ensued. This reaction made partition inevitable. The Protestant Province of Ulster remained in the UK, with a Provincial Parliament at Stormont. The events of the Home Rule Question provide the background for the present problems of Ulster. Protestant fears of Catholic rule from Dublin changed to intransigence, and tiie determination to keep absolute control of Ulster. The voting system ensured this. Discrimination was rife. Tlie Catholics have been unable to take part in the political process, and tile discrimination in employment lias caused many to emigrate. Their loyalties have inevitably turned away from Stormont, and for some, turned to Dublin. This has provided a remarkably fertile breeding ground for the fanatical and brutal policies.of the IRA. Terrorist activities have occurred in spasms over the la.st 50 years. This is the latest. Unfortunately, this one has coincided with the upsurge of the Civil Rights Association, which was set up to campaign for some long-overdue reforms. Captain O'Neill's government responded with the introduction of reforms. The extremist Protestant reaction has overthrown tv.o successive Prime Ministers, but the reforms are going ahead. These reforms are far-reaching. They in- OF ULSTER elude the appointment of an Ombudsman, a Minister of Community Relations, a Commission for Complaints; the Incitement to Hatred Act: Central Housing Executive and housing allocation scheme; an antidiscrimination clause in Government contracts; and equality of employment. Refonns of the police, franchise and local government have been introduced. Some of these reforms have, unfortunately, not yet been introduced, due to the civil unrest. The escalation of confrontation is a typical Irish phenomenon, obstinacy and a lemming-like nature, being the basis. There are the two communities with the Army in the middle, trj-ing to keep the peace. From being hailed as protectors they are now regarded as oppressors by a large section of the Catholic community. The escalation has led to Civil Disobedience on the one side and internment on the other. The passions which ensued led to the disastrous events at London-dei-ry. The very people who called for a ban on marches, are themselves now marching. The security forces have the unenviable task of enforcing the law. It is no use to recommend the withdrawal of th.e troops. The only reason the Protestant extremists are quiescent is that they view the Army as fighting their own battles. In a civil war the Protestants would sweep the Catholics before them due to their superior standards of training and discipline, without the impartial approach of the Army. The moment of truth is upon us. The time is more than ripe for all sides to swallow their pride, and to meet together. A de-escalation could be brought about by an ensuing end to Civil Disobedience and to internment. With civil order returning the reforms could bite. The grievances of the Catholic community can be eliminated. The British Government has guaranteed the reforms. The British Army can withdraw from Ulster, leaving the maintenance of public order to the police. The Army has done a magnificent job, in a role not designed for them. This is a problem for Ulstermen. Our place in it is to press for reforms to bring Ulster up to standards insisted upon in Britain. We would be playing politics with people's lives to give support to either side in this unhappy sectarian JACQUES ARNOLD, President, L.S.E. Conservative Society. TT AVE you ever felt that discos and parties are a drag, as you stand and attempt trivial conversation in spite of the music, wait for a guy to ask you to dance—if you are a girl—or look around for a bird you fancy—if you happen to be male? At the last Passfield party a group of LSE Women's Liberation-ists and Gay Liberationists decided that there was no reason why people should feel obliged to dance in couples just because it's generally expected, so we went into the disco as a group and freaked-out in true anarchistic fashion until 1.30 a.m. There were a few snide comments at the sight of men dancing with men, women dancing with women, and some general confusion caused by all those weirdos wheeling round in a circle, occasionally trying to entice others into their strange ritual. We tried not to obstruct anyone who didn't want to dance i''l"'HE article in this edition of "Beaver" outlining the events at Passfield Hall on the night of January 28th/29th seems to have missed the whole point of what actually occurred. In fact and in interpretation the article is a mess. The fact that a small incident has been blown up into a quasi-crusade, with promises from the Women's Lib and Gay Lib that the matter shall not rest until it has reached the supreme arbitors of fate in this institution, namely the Union meeting and Passfield House meeting, is a mistake which the aforementioned article exacerbates. The Women's Lib/Gay Lib article mentions that a "slightly inebriated member of a well known left wing organisation" made the initial insult. This is wrong—I made it. Yes, "Je m'accuse!" The "attack" on the male member of the GLF it appears, from the article, was made by me: however the other person involved, Ian Reekie, did make a rush at the GLF man. Undeniably a flurry of blows ensued and the melee was stopped, not by several bystanders, but by me, having prevailed upon my friend to "cool it." What the WLF/GLF account forgets or omits, is that the initial "violence" came from them. When confronted with my remark and having admitted I said it, I was struck by a WLP member, not "grabbed by the sleeve" as WLP puts it. During the ensuing argument it was noted that a GLF man was looking on appreciating the spectacle of "male cliauvinist pigs" being taken to task by their equals and making judicious comments as well. The perception of this provoked the "attack" on the GLF man. The WLP article makes no mention of the repeated hair-pulling, face-slapping and digging by them prior to the "attack" on the GLF man. However, aside from factual errors the article fails to see: (1) That we were both drunk and hardly acting as we normally do; (2) That the manner in which the initial insult has escalated indicates intolerance and failure to allow latitude on the part of the WLF; (3) And that the whole incident main nameless, made an utterly unprovoked and vicious physical assault on a Gay Liberation brother. He and his friend had to be forcibly dragged away by several other people—^luckily before anybody was seriously hurt. (Account—AU page.) This stupid incident is a reminder that some ostensibly Leftist liberated revolutionaries are merely over-grown school kids trying to appear trendy and Left-wing to mask their own inadequacies. If anybody has any valid moral or political objections to what the Women's Liberation and Gay Liberation are doing, we would like to hear about it in an articulate way. since talking over social problems is one of the main functions of our group. We think we have a right to exist and a right to demand protection by the rest of the student body against the skinhead tactics of certain misguided adolescents. A.W. was regrettable and should have been forgotten. Finally, I add that Ian Reekie and I affirm our belief that WLF and GLF are just movements. We would, however, stress that the insult which started the whole saga is equally as bad as the WLP labelling us "skinheads." If the WLF/GLF are as interested in social problems as they say, they should not use the skinhead syndrome as a term of appro-brium. Apologies, if any, should tiierefore be due all round. SAIVI HAZLEY. MONTHLY REVIEW PRESS Paperbacks The Chinese Road to Socialism By E. L. Wheelwright and B. McFarlane. (Price £1.35) Imperialism and Underdevelopment by R. I. Rhodes. (£1.80) Latin America; Underdevelopment or Revolution by Andre Gunder Frank. (£1.80). Anarchism, by Daniel Guerin. (£1.10). Ttie Age of Imperialism, by Harry Magdoff (90p) The Pillage of the Third World, by Pierre Jalee. (75p) To be published Spring 1972 On The Transition to Socialism by Paul M. Sweezy and Charles Bettelheim. (90p) Poiitics and Social Structure in Latin America by James Petras. (£1.80) Selected Political Writings of Rosa Luxemburg, Edited by Dick Howard. (£1.80) Vietnam : The Endless War, by Sweezy, Huberman & Magdoff. (£1.00) Order from your local bookshop or. in case of difficulty, contact: MONTHLY REVIEW PRESS, 33-37 MORELAND STREET, LONDON, EX.I. IVrite directly to tlje Press for a free Copy of our catalogue and a iree sample copy of our monthly magazine, "MONTHLY REVIEW." ¦''pHE issues of sexual liberation are very important, whereas the JL incidents argued at the L.S.E. are extremely trivial. One wonders why this is so—is it because, as some self-proclaimed sexists insist, the level of chauvinism is actually quite low in these halls? Or rather are the W.L. and G.L.F. people right when they accuse the rest of us of covering our well-earned guilt with protective jokes if not downright hostility? "How can anyone take their ludicrously aggressive attacks seriously?" —the cynical and non-involved average student defends him herself. How can any socialistically conscious person fail to recognise the significance of continuing sexual oppression? — shout back the W.L.-ists, arid G.L.F.-ers. So most of the "debate" occurs on a tactical level. Charges of adventurism and childishness (often, ironically, made by some of Soc.Soc.'s most vocal "action faction") are traded with insults of "sexist" and "trendy socialist." What Is missed in the uproar is the fact that the fight against sexual oppression is inextricably linked with the struggle for a socialist revolu- This link is important, and not simply because on a tactical level the two groups could usefully support each other. The two causes are politically connected, in purpose and in content: it is the same OPPRESSION THAT IS BEING FOUGHT ON BOTH FRONTS. ^ Neither the capitalist economic system, nor capitalist culture, can afford the introduction of true sexual equality (the reliance of capitalism on the primary economic unit of the nuclear family, the famous projec-tion of repressed sexual energy into labour, the values of inequality and acceptance of authority structure into which the family conditions children, are a few examples). , . 11. On the other hand, true socialism is impossible without a concomitant process of sexual liberation (read or re-read Wilhelm Reich!). It is therefore vital to anyone committed to profoundly changing this society that the connections between the two areas be further explored. For a start, within the L.S.E. a strong relationship must be developed between those now fighting against sexism and those now fighting for socialism--and it must be developed not just in theory but in action! L.J. BEAVER, Feb. i:th, 1972—Page Three STRATEGY FOR WORKERS' CONTROL nY workers' control, I mean the ideal of democratic self-management of all institutions of society by those who work in them. In a complex technological society this cannot be reduced to a simplistic formula of workers taking over their factories and running them themselves, although this would have a crucial symbolic importance. But neither can it be reduced, in terms of 'human relations" reformism, to a low-level democratisation of' the work process or, as a Gal-braithian "countervailing power"—a check to the untrammelled power of Capital and the State. There is a certain ambiguity in the term "control," implying a retrospective check on the actions of others. As Lewis Carroll said in "Alice in Wonderland"—"when I use a word I make it mean exactly what I want it to mean"—or something to that effect! So when I use the term workers' control, I mean the complete transformation of society so that people are in direct control of their own situation and that all questions of what is produced, how it is produced, and why it is produced can be democratically decided. PANACEA This may be said to be an impossible Utopian ideal given "human - nature-being-what-it-is," and with the complexities and institutional rigidities of the system. Nor can it be claimed that this is a panacea which will solve the problems facing humanity—obviously it is not; those problems are of an intractable and long-term character which cannot have a solution as such. However, I would say that democratic social control over the world's resources is an urgent question which does have a bearing on the people of Calcutta, Santiago, or Harlem, and wherever else people face starvation, malnutrition and neglect. The reaction of many people on the left has been to concentrate on rank and file industrial militancy and to hope to generalise it and give it a political direction. This is, in my view, a healthy reaction from the bureaucratic politics of the Labour Party which is still theoretically tied to the state and the philosophy that "by tax adjustments we plan to introduce the promised land." MILITANCY The emphasis is increasingly that only by direct action by people at their place of work can they effectively challenge the power of capitalism. This kind of strategy has been fairly well analysed by Andr6 Gorz in his article Work and Consumption in "Towards Socialism." He spells out the interrelations between the nature of the modern work situation and the alienated and manipulated consumption in leisure time. There is clearly a need for a new type of industrial militancy which does not just demand more money in order to keep place with inflation. There is a need to challenge both the control of work and the purpose of work in a modem technological society. There is the modern paradox that automation which could under a rational society be a means of liberation from unpleasant work, is inevitably seen as a threat to people's livelihoods which must be resisted. There is the fact that governments have maintained relatively "full employment" by the creation of more and more socially unnecessary work, e.g. Concorde, space race, or the armed forces. It is also true that an 8 to 10 per cent rate of inflation as well as increasing employment has become a fact of life of modern capitalism. UNOFFICIAL It is also true that this new type of industrial militancy is more than just a left-wing pipedream. Between 90 per cent and 95 per cent of strikes in recent years have been unofficial—that is, in defiance of the union bureaucracy. It is also true that over half of recent industrial disputes have been concerned with conditions of work-—manning, speedup, forced overtime, etc.—rather than with straight wage claims. It is clear that many workers feel that another wage rise is no longer sufficient compensation for monotony, unpleasant conditions, and the Used textbooks bought for the highest prices Second-hand (marvellous range) and Stationery (everything for the student) Department. The Economists' Bookshop, King's Chambers, Portugal Street, London, W.C.2. For a quototion ask to see Brian Simmons SIMMON DS UNIVERSITY BOOKSELLERS Our shop is not the biggest in London, but it is among the best. And it's a place where you will obtain individual attention. 16 FLEET STREET LONDON. E.C.4 (opp. Chancery Lane) 353 3907 it's MAGIC !... Entertainment for all occasions— Clubs, Parties, Organisations. "THE HIT OF ANY PARTY." Call Dan for magical comedy entertainment at^ 580 2936 ext. 315 (or leave message in U/G pigeon hole F). JEWELLERY AND WATCHES 20% - 25% DISCOUNT to all NUS inambar* and Unkersity tlaf) DIAMOND ENGAGEMENT RINGS. Gold—Wedding and Signet Rings.. Gold and Silver—Cigarette Cases, Powder Boxes, Bracelets, Necl ^ / / f O 6 f mni Student: The surplus value of labour is the sum of Y squared raised to the power of YX squared. Miner: It's a real education listening to you. WHAT ARE WE PROTESTING ABOUT TODAY? 2JEM0NSTRATI0NS are becoming the safety valve of the capitalist system. We \\ill march for Vietnam, Bangladesh, South Africa, Rhodesia. Ireland, students, workers, unemployed and all oppressed peoples without prejudice. But what is achieved? A large number of people spend several hours holding up traffic in solidarity with practically everyone. A few coppers are bashed, a few of us arrested. Liberals feel revolutionary, revolutionaries feel liberal. And the papers report; "Only 10,000 people marched in protest against Tory Government today." Meanwhile, the system goes cheerfully on. grinding everybody under and pointing to their own tolerance in permitting such activity. But their indulgence doesn't cost them much; demonstrations free no prisoners—they are more likely to deflect action than to generate it. If only 1 per cent of the people prepared to march in protest against the capitalist system were YOU mow prepared to undertake real activity (cf. Palestinian guerillas, I.R.A., A.N.C. and Weathermen) the chances of effecting a change would be innumerably greater. The energy that generates one march, if properly harnessed, would burn down 20 embassies. To some extent, the realisation of the ineffectiveness of "peaceful protest" in Britain has resulted in more militancy among demonstra- tors, more willingness to challenge the police and hence more arrests. But people still go home at the end of the day with the consciousness that they "have done their bit"— until the next demo. So we dissipate our anger with a few hours of walking along the middle of a road, and the capitalist system breathes a sigh of relief when it's all over and sends in the street-cleaners to tidy up after us. York militants smashed but fighting back ''OMRADES in York have been having a rough time over the past couple of weeks. Thirty-seven students have been arrested on charges ranging from obstruction and assault to organisation of illegal demonstrations. It's rather a comolicated story. On Saturday, before the Derry massacre. 100 students held a demonstration outside Northern Command H.Q. (Army centre where troops go before they are sent to Northern Ireland) ; two students were arrested and the place was crawling with Special Branch men with cameras. On the Sunday 13 people were massacred in Derry, and York students caJled a meeting on Monday at lunch-time; afterwards 200 students marched to the Army Careers Office in the city. Forty-one students were arrested by snatch squads—all of them had attended the Saturday demonstration. Police were seen consulting photographs before the arrests. The only two black students on the demon.stration were arrested and charged more heavily than the other students (assault and organisation of illegal demonstration). The police charged only 28 out of the 41 arrested. The Union held a meeting on the Monday night which was attended by 700 students (there are 2,000 students at York) who voted for a two-day strike and planned another mai'ch to the Army office for the next day (Tuesday). This march was tight and well disciplined and attended by 1.000 people including many faculty members. When it reached the Army office it was slowed down by the police and the whole of the front line, all IMG and IS members, were arrested by plain-clothes cops, again after consultation of photos. The march then went to a piece of University propertj- in the town and had a meeting. The Union President suggested that they march to the police station, which they did. It was again well disciplined, linked arms across and back, but the police still managed to arrest one student. The Union had another meeting that night where they voted to have a teach-in on Ireland the next day and reversed previous Union policy of condemnation of the I.R.A. A letter from a group of faculty members, including the Professor of the History Department, condemning the arrests, appeared in the "Grauniad" next day. Since then five more students, including the Union President, have been arrested on charges of organising illegal demonstrations. They all come up in court on February 28th. when the Union intends to hold a mass demonstration to the courtroom. Quite an amazing story, but it's not that unusual. The organisers of the Derry marches in London : and in Newry have been arrested , on "conspiracy to riot" charges and vast numbers of minors have ; been arrested over the past few , days. One-hundred and twenty people were arrested at the Battle of Downing Street (only about 60 were arrested in Grosvenor Square on October 27th, 1968). When they will hit L.S.E. we don't know, but now that police repression has got to this state we must expect any-I thing. FASCISM CREEPS ONWARDS! BBAVER, Feb; 17th, Page Six t London School of Economics Conservative Society Hon. President: The Rt. Hon. Sir Alec Douglas-Home, K.T., M.P. IN recent months both the general public and students have been subjected to numer-out articles, discussions, demonstrations and so forth over the issue of Student Union finances. We have noted the disgust of the ratepayers at their hard-earned cash being donated, via the Colleges and Universities to many and diverse causes, and the disappointment from many students at the apparent waste of their money, when tiheir own Union facilities are so obviously tacking. Mrs. Thatcher's Consultative Document on Student Union Re-Torm appeared as a red rag to the Socialist bull; it actually wanted to make sure that public money was not wasted by a minority of students who had the time and the inclination to endure the weekly, or more frequent, boredom when financial motions were being debated. Immediately the National Union of Students and many left wing Student Unions were up in arms against the Government's obvious attack on their vested interests; the trouble, however, really came when both the University Authorities and the Federation of Conservative Students also came out against the main proposal advocated in the Consultative Document. The latter, a worthy body, came out in favour of another solution, that of the Registrar, but naturally the Left were still not appeased. It seems to me, however, now that Mrs. Thatcher has ^helved her plans for a year, that there remains time for us to consider the whole matter more carefully. The problem with Mrs. Thatcher's proposal In the last resort was that it alienated all the relevant bodies and was supported by none. The Registrar idea, while a much better proposition, still seems to many, in- THE CASE FOR VOLUNTARY STUDENT UNIONS eluding a large number of uncommitted (politically) students and a considerable number of academics, to start from a totally unrealistic position. To these people, and to myself, it seems that the obvious starting point is not that the Student Unions must have funds and those funds must be accountable, but way back with the question of the desirability of or necessity for Student Unions, and the nature of their membership (either voluntary or compulsory). Commencing here, it appears to me that the case for voluntary Student Unions is both overwhelming and undeniable. At present the system is that each local education authority pays a set amount per student to the College or the University as that student's membership fee to the Students' Union; the latter then receives that money from the college authorities. The student, arriving at the educational institution has absolutely no say in the matter; he is automatically a member of the Union. As a Consei'vative, who believes that the individual should have freedom of choice, this is quite unacceptable; under a Government which has so often stated its adherence to the principle of freedom of choice for the individual, to disallow the student his freedom of choice in this sphere is hypocritical. The main argument, however, against compiiisory Union membership is bound up with the question of Student Union Finance. As each student has a share in the Union finances, he is forced to attend Union meetings, whether interested in Union or not, to ensure that his money Is not being used to his detriment, nor misused on purposes for which is was not allocated. For a student uninterested in Union politics, and keen on academic study, this is both unfair and a waste of time and energy. For this reason the vast majority of students throughout the country do not attend Union meetings. I believe that the individual student must be given the choice of whether to join the Union or not; all students will be given an increased grant (a similar amount to that at present paid by the L.E.A.s to the Unions will be added on to the Student Grant) and the students individually can have the freedom to choose how to spend this money. If interested in Union, they can pay a membership fee and Join; in so doing they either accept the rules of the Union from choice or attempt to change them from inside. That is their prerogative. To turn to the arguments used in favour of Student Unions, we find them lacking in substance. The most usual is that the Union provides so much in the way of facilities for the student. In some cases this is true, but in many others, like at the London School of Economics, the Union provides little, and nothing that the School authorities do not or could not provide better. Anyway, Unions run on a voluntary membership basis, like the famous Oxbridge Unions, have proved to be just as successful in providing facilities for those who desire them; also, where students are providing their own money for their subscription they take more care to ensure that such money is P We^re open to argument, says Minister A T the invitation of Con-Soc, Mr. Van Straubenzee came to LSE on Friday, February 4th to speak on Student Union Reform. Considering how controversial the DES proposals are, the meeting was sparsely attended by only 130 people. There was a very noticeable gap on the left of the Old Theatre, Soc Soc being frightened away by the thought of reasoned argument. The Minister in vain tried to convince a mildly hostile audience of the benefits of his proposals. The audience itself seemed to be split between the registrar, voluntary unions and the typical negative socialist approach to problems. During question-time Van S. dealt a blow to those who claim the Tories are out to kill Unions. He pointed out that they could easily have done so when Kingston LEA found a legal loophole in Labour legislation through which they could avoid paying any money to Unions. Mrs. Thatcher immediately closed the loophole! JOHN BLUNDELL (Chairman, LSE Con Soc) Success comes to Soc.-Soc. Never has the path of a conquering hero been more easy —success has been Soc Soc's fate during the past months. From an overwhelming vote in the Union elections, through a majority on all votes in Union, So. Soc. have been able to carry out their brilliant policies without electoral opposition. We have now reached the heights of the Socialist nirvana. The great achievements of office can be enumerated. The loss of finance for the Union —and its eventual bankruptcy, sooner rather than later. The adoption of a Constitution which abolishes the ballot box. Elections by show of hands in a Union Meeting have been introduced as a step forward for democracy. Union, in its infinite wisdom, has ruled that even this is reactionary and has suspended all elections. Support for tactics of repression of free speech. Bigoted, one-sided approach to all political subjMts. DESTRUCTION OF UNION Soc. Soc. have achieved in their few months of office the greatest ambition of members of the Monday Club, they have nearly destroyed Union. No doubt they will bang the last nails into the coffin! They unilaterally adopted an admittedly faulty Constitution, and thus incurred suspension of all funds. They tried to go to law for restitution and were unsuccessful. Their proposals, naturally accepted by Union, are to put pressure on the Bank and the Director. The power of the Union was amply demonstrated by the expiry and collapse of the occupation. That policy has the hallmark of success. Meanwhile the Union is lurching through the final stages of bankruptcy. The permanent stafl will, therefore, soon be forced to leave, and all facilities will cease to exist. SOC. SOC. APPROACH TO REAL DEMOCRACY Union has long had a tradition of secret balloted elections. The Soc. Soc. constitution abolishes this, and replaces it with elections by show of hands in a Union Meeting. This, of course, does not mean that there will be intimidation, miscounting, filibustering, etc. It never occurs in a Socialist community! Power in the Union, according to this Socialist doctrine, must therefore pass from the entirety of members of Union, to those few who have the stamina to endure hours of boredom and repulsive mock-moralising in Union Meetings. Even this new form of democracy is apparently superfluous. At the recent Union Meeting the suspension of elections was approved. This was supposed to t>e a snub to the High Court Judge who ordered that elections take place. The arguments for suspension were lujdicrous. A month ago the Soc. Soc. officers resigned amid all the glories of self-sacrifice. We are now told that they are still acting-officers, with all attendant rights and privileges. They argue that new elections cannot be held according to a strict interpretation of the OLD CONSTITUTION. Of course, they only recognise the NEW CONSTITUTION! THE JOYS OF UTTER CHAOS IN THE UNION Gleeful pronouncements succeed each other through the death-throes of Union. At one moment we are told that Constitutional Committee must rule on complaints. At the next we are told that all the members of that committee have resigned and no one caii appoint new ones. We are told frequently that Soc. Soc. officers have no mandate for this, that or the other. And yet concerted proposals emerge. Amid great enthusiasm Union is asked to approve the spending of funds on a number of individuals' favourite causes; and on the sending of Union observers to the illegal march in Newry (as if there won't be enough reporters there already); while at the same time pleading there is no money for staff, facilities, and societies. SOC. soc. SELF-RIGHTEOUSNESS OPPOSES FREE SPEECH Last week some members of Soc. Soc. attempted unsuccessfully to overturn CON SOC's bookstall. The conviction, naturally, was that this would end all the wrongs in the world, and that truth would prevail. Bob Dent and Philippa Duggan both vociferously declare their support for this enlightened action. The underlying, although probably unintentional, course of events, is obvious. Destroy the opposition to your views, and your views win prevail. If only one point of view is available, students will accept that view. This alarming trend is disastrous. It shows a narrow ana one-sided mind—one that can only absorb one view for fear of being cwiittuinnated by another. Soc. Soc. apparently fear any view opposed to their own. Surely students can make up their own minds based on the widest possible information. Their approach is an attack on FREE SPEECH AND FREE THOUGHT. It is most ironic that Soc. Soc. spend an immense amount of time complaining about suppression—and yet when they have a majority they wholeheartedly support suppression. THE ELEVENTH HOUR Union is probably now beyond the point of recall. The rot has probably set in too far. In the last issue I proposed a policy for getting us extricated from this self-imposed morass—Union has rejected it. The downward path of the Union could provide marvellous material for a book. The destructive process has unwittingly taken on the appearance of a Machiavellian plan: Union put in an impossible position, consequently deprived of funds, the constitution made inoperable, new elections impossible, the smothering of any opposition or new ideas. Union will finally expire amid cries of "oppression, victimisation, and murder." Gone will be an institution which could have provided us with representation and the means of administering our collective amenities. On the epitaph of Union: DIED OF SUICIDE, BROUGHT ON BY DEPRESSION CAUSED BY BIGOTRY AND SHORT-SIGHTEDNESS. Our embarrassment will be complete when the School eventually sets up a new Union. JACQUES ARNOLD. not squandered or misspent. If there is a need for a Union at a college, and the student body wants one, they are quite at liberty to establish one. It is a fallacy to believe that the present compulsory Student Unions provide that many facilities, and it must be remembered that much of the capital equipment of the Unions is provided by college authorities. A second argument sometimes put forward in defence of compulsory Unions, is that they allow those interested to participate and it prevents them from causing the troubles of the type frequent in French and North American Colleges and Universities. This to me appears nonsensical; at the moment such people, usually on the Left, hold power and money completely out of proportion to that which their support would justify; such power and finance has been used all too often to the detriment of the majority of students. It is also the case that the whole University and College system is so different in these countries to our own that such comparison is unrealistic. There is a further argument in defence of compulsory Union membership, that the position of Union clubs and societies would suffer. At present such clubs receive money from the Union, and they are solely dependent upon it for funds. I think this apparent problem could easily be overcome by each member on enrolment paying a membership subscription, and with the College Authorities paying for the capital equipment, as at present. Under the current system there is a great deal of unfairness in the allocation of funds from Union to the individual societies; some with a favourable political bias (usually to the Left) receive money far in excess of their needs, while others get a mere pittance. Under a voluntary membership scheme societies would either flourish or fail depending on the wishes or interests of the students in general, and there would be an end to the practice of societies asking for large grants from the Union to ensure they can afford enough drink for their end of term parties. In conclusion, if Student Unions were to collapse, and they really need not if the students want them, who will mourn? Certainly the local education authorities and the ratepayers would be pleased for their money to go to the students individually, for there would be less misuse of public money. Certainly the majority of the students would be pleased; they would get their money and would be able to spend it as they think fit. If the Student Unions do collapse, then it will prove that the mass of the students do not regard them as necessary and certainly not essential. Why should minority interest win the day? The Government would be well advised to think hard about this issue before finally deciding on their policy towards Student Unions, and remember the silent majority in the Colleges and Universities, not just the minorities, either on the flight or Left. It is my belief, and all the evidence seems to prove, that, this silent majority is not interested in Student Unions, and would welcome the membership of these to be of a voluntary nature. DAVID A. EVENNETT, Viee-Chairman, L.S.E. Conservative Society. LOOKING FOR A HOLIDAY WITH A DIFFERENCE ? LEBANON HAS EVERYTHING! Fares economy class LONDON to BEIRUT one way £36.25 return £72.50 For full details contact your travel agent or STUDENT TRAVEL SECTION, MIDDLE EAST AIRLINES, 80 PICCADILLY, LONDON, W.l Tel. 01-493 6321. BEAVER, Feb. 17th, 1972—Page Seven THE ATHLETIC UNION PAGE ON A SLOW BOAT FROM CAMBRIDGE Soccer Club's annual visit to Cambridge was this year, as in days of yore, the occasion of a great piss-up. On Saturday, January 29th we set sail bound for Cambridge with two teams the first XI to play St. John's and the second XI to play Downing College. The trip up was marked by nothing special save Ian Reekie's vigorous and repeated attempts to throw up following a night of booze, debauchery and "queer bashing" at Passfield (see "Tale of a P-R," Page 2). The two teams having split up to play their respective games, it was left to the first XI to get stuck into a great meal at St. John's. There In that cloistered tapestried hall an evil, a black obscene deed was perpetrated. Several members of the LSE first XI actually got up and walked over the plush oak varnished tables to get at then- third course. The indignant atmosphere which this aroused had hardly cleared when it was time to play their game. We kicked off and the game ensued at a vigorous pace with St. John s taking the lead when sub- L.S.E. DYNAMOS 1971-72 Left to Right: Back: Kevin (Les) Atkinson, Nigel (Get your oar out) Hill, John "Flier" Flemmg, Jim Callaghan, Howard (The Mouth) Grant, Antonio (Generalissimo). Front: The Ball, Jim "Hawkeye" Guest, Kevin Neald, Howie "Baby" Ratclille, Steve Matthews. stitute goalkeeper Robin Williams grovelled and failed to hold a 25 Diilributed by SiaCK INK FILMS LID. NOWSHOWING LOWER REGENT STREET 839.6494 • CALENDAR Thursday, February 17th— 7 p.m.: B.U.N .A.C. Job Travel Forum, 404. Friday, February 18th— 1 p.m.: Prayers, S.418. 1-2 p.m.; Legal Aid, S.lOla. Saturday, February 19th— 7 p.m.: Concert / Disco— Hendrix at Berkeley, Cat Mother. Monday, February 21st— 1-2 p.m.: Legal Aid, S.lOla. 6 p.m.: Marxist - Leninist Study, S.067. 7 p.m.: Con.Soc. debate 45. Tuesday, February 22nd— 1 p.m.; Cath. Mass, S.IOO. 1 p.m.; Labour Soc., 300. Film Soc.; "Ma Nuit Chez Maud." Wednesday, February 23rd— 1 p.m.; Pakistan Soc., 45. Thursday, February 24th— 12.10: C.N.D. Discussion, OT. 6.30; Film Soc., "Getting Straight," OT. Friday, February 25th— 1 p.m.; Legal Aid, S.lOla. 7.30; Concert — Gnidrilog, Forever, OT. Saturday, February 26th— 3 p.m.; Islamic Soc., 45. Monday, February 28th— 1-2 p.m.: Legal Aid. S.lOla. Tuesday, February 29th— 1 p.m.: Soc.Soc.—Paul Foot, Col8. 3 p.m.; Political Sociology, S.167. 4 p.m.; C.N.D. movie. OT. 6.30; Film Soc., "On Her Majesty's Secret Service," OT. yard free kick. We pounced back when flying Norseman Marius Har hammered a vicious shot into the comer. St. John's replied with another but tricky Rob Phillips put us on level terms at half-time. The second half was om's with Paul Maguire sending us ahead and Thor's own son Marius scoring his second and our fourth to wrap up the game. Repairing immediately to the bar it was learnt that the second XI had lost narrowly to Downing by 8 goals to 2, all this despite the , valiant efforts of Persian gymnast star Houman in goal and Paul Callaghan at centre half. As one disgruntled player said after the game, "Well, Sam, the referee was an Ulster Protestant and the linesman was from the Blind Institute." The ups and downs of the day being forgotten, everyone settled down to a good booze up, the chief features of which were; Ned Szary's uninspiring comments as chairman (he's a Pole), my drunkenness, John Porteous' inability to count and Ian Reekie's state of inebriation. The St. John's bar was treated to a few choruses of the "LSE song" and once again to the "chair on the chin" act of Norway's No. 1 Cabaret Star, Sir Douglas Hauge. The coach trip back produced a general sing song of great inventiveness, e.g. "there was Ray, Ray dyin' for a lay, in the store, etc., etc." and other such goodies. AM in all, a good day's outing. On the domestic scene, the first XI continued their Risorgmento with a 1-0 triumph over Thames; the second eleven beat arch rivals Goldsmiths 4-3—with Steve Lord being the star, scoring five (3 for us, 2 for them). The third eleven went down 5-1 to LC IV, while the fourth XI dropped 4-2 to London Hospital II. Apart from the Club Dinner, the next social highlight will be the visit, at the end of term, of the University College of Rome Soccer team to play us. All first and second toam players are urged to stay for a day or two after the end of term to enable us to play a strong team with reserves. SAM HAZLEY YET AGAIN J'HE Rugby Club has undergone metamorphosis and has lately emerged with expeditionary overtones, undertaking journeys to Essex University and Christ's College, Cambridge, on consecutive week-ends. Essex seemed more like the Arctic, with freezing winds blowing harshly across the pitch, as thirty brave lads took to the pitch to do battle. The home side evidently were used to these conditions and were well prepared, headbands being used primarily as earmuffs! The game was marred by slack refereeing, failure to notice offside at rucks and mauls especially, and consequently it appeared scrappy to the frost-bitten spectators. LSE on the whole played the better rugby, the backs running well and the back-row forwards being much quicker to the breakdown of play. Eventually we ran out winners by 15—13, Essex being awarded- a penalty try in the last minutes of the game to boost their score. The evening was passed in the usual pissy atmosphere. Saturday, February 5th we visited Christ's, setting out at the unearthly hour of nine o'clock and reaching Cambridge at 11.30 but, yours truly being no navigator, it took us another 45 minutes to find the ground. Eventually we kicked off around 12.30, and the match gave glimpses of some good clean rugby skills. However, the opposition proved susceptible to tough play and the game was held up several times for treatment of minor injuries. Unfortunately, the Cambridge full-back split his head when colliding with John Horsthuis, and had to go off late in the second half. Christ's had a well-drilled pack and won the majority of the line-outs but our forwards' enthusiasm equally made up for this. Christ's opened the scoring with a penalty, but we soon hit back with a try from Tony Horsthuis, converted by Chris Whelan, following a misunderstanding between the opposition scrum-half and fly-half. However, Christ's were soon back in the hunt, and a good blind-side ploy led to their winger scoring in a scissors move. Just before half-time "Shorty" Swinden capitalised on a bad mistake by Christ's at the rear of the line-out and plunged through the gap to score an unconverted try. So at half-time we found ourselves 10—7 in the lead. In the second half we further increased our lead when our American "convert" Mead Cain boyed through a couple of tackles and found himself pulled over the line to score an unconverted try by Christ's player;. Following this Clirisfs took advantage of a bad mistake by our backa, took possession from a second-phase ruck, and ran the ball along their backs for their winger to score in the corner. After this the game remained very much in midfield until the final whistle sounded with the score at LSE 14, Christ's 11. Delighted players afterwards were told that this was Christ's first defeat of the season. Despite being beaten, the Cambridge lads proved very good hosts, enabling us to watch the Wales v Scotland international in the afternoon, and drinking with us in theii" local pub at night. Everyone was well pleased with their efforts to entertain us. Nicely inebriated, we returned from Cambridge at closing-time, with skipper F^-ed Marrow insisting that he be allowed to strip naked in the coach and then walk about the Cambridge countryside, displaying his genitals to all and sundi-y, and anyone who cared to come along—despite the desperate attempts of his colleagues to persuade him otherwise. By the time we reached London, this passion for exhibitionism had passed and Fred became his normal fully-clothed self again. In between these escapades, the 1st XV did "battle" or "demo-practice" if you like with "L" Division of the highly-respected Metropolitan fuzz. Under a misapprehension that LSE rugger players were really a load of softies they took the pitch with a somewhat superior air—at half-time W6 were 28—3 up and in the second half relaxed and added only another 12 points. Final score ; LSE 40 pts., "L" Division 6 pts. Another reminder to all would be supporters that we play City of London Poly in the semi-final of the ULU Cup on Wednesday, February 16th—everyone most welcome to come along and enjoy themselves. __DAVE CLARKE Merlin Book Club Selections for 1972 Socialist Register 1972 edited by Ralph Miliband and John Saville Marx and Keynes Limits of the Mixed Economy Paul Mattick Imperialism and World Economy Bukharin Isaac Deutscher: The Man and his Work edited by David Horowitz Lukacs Concept of Dialectic Istvan Meszaros Also available HISTORY AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS (Lukacs) MARX'S THEORY OF ALIENATION (Meszaros) DECLINE OF WORKING CLASS POLITICS (Hindess) ASPECTS OF HISTORY AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS (ed. Meszaros) All the above may be bought by members at £1 per volume. Minimum subscription £3. (Allow postage of lOp per book). Please send to : Merlin Book Club, 11 Fitzroy Square, London. W1 The following : for which I enclose £........................ NAME ............................................................................. (BLOCK CAPITALS) ADDRESS .....:................................................................. BEAVER, Feb. 17th, 19-2—Page Eight BLOODY SATURDAY H'^HE newspapers named it "The Battle of Downing Street," and they weren't far wrong. Saturday, February 5th Anti-Internment League march started oS peacefully, headed by 13 black coflBns carried by sombre Irishmen and led by an Irish piper. It was a noisy march of about 10,000 people, and passed off without incident until we reached the top of Whitehall. There we moved to the right-hand side of the street (the side which Downing Street is on) but were forced back towards the left by police and horses. After a bit of pushing and shoving the crowd settled down to hear the father of one of the Derry victims and the A.I.L. leaders who call for three minutes' silence in remembrance of the Derry 13. It was an impressive few minutes, complete silence except for the police radios and the horses' stamping and snorting. Then the tension began to mount • as the A.I.L. asked the police to let the coffins through the barricade to be placed on the steps of No. 10. The police refused even though the A.I.L. warned them that they would not be responsible for the consequences. The refusal by the police to allow just the 13 coffins into Downing Street was obvious provocation, and the crowd began to yell "Take them through." The pushing and shoving began and within minutes the police had their truncheons out and the fighting started. The national Press (only to be expected) said that the police horses only charged after the crowd had attacked them with bottles and rocks. I was right opposite Downing Street and no bottles or stones were thrown until the horses began to charge, and then only in self-defence to keep the horses from riding us down. The tactics used by the mounted police were different and far more vicious than at Grosvenor Square in March 1969. Instead of keeping the horses in one line and forcing the crowd back slowly, they sent two or three at a time, galloping into the crowd and hinting out with batons in an attempt to terrify and scatter us. Several people were knocked to the ground and trampled, but worse was to come. The police eventually split the march and cornered a few hundred of us in a street just opposite Downing Street. There were police buses parked there and in their shelter we saw police beating up demonstrators before putting them into buses to be taken to be charged. I saw one incident which was one of the worst pieces of police brutality I've ever witnessed. Three policemen had a middle-aged man on the ground, they rolled him on to his stomach, pulled up his coat and shirt and gave him karate chops in his kidneys and kicked him repeatedly in the balls. When some of us rushed over in a fury, about a doisen cops appeared from nowhere and formed a cordon around their colleagues and the victim. They proceeded to push us up against a wall where we were kicked and punched and I was lifted off my feet by my hair by a cop standing on a balustrade above me. We were then pushed and kicked down to the Embankment while the police carried on arresting and beating up our friends. Altogether 153 people were arrested (including three students from L.S.E.) and 90 people hurt. The war is being brought back home—how soon before they use the troops on us here in London? How long before we see A.P.C.s, Saracens and machine guns on the streets. The lengths to which the system will go to defend itself are being seen iii Derry and Belfast, and you can be sm-e that we shall see them here soon. The state machine has no compassion or humanity, it is brutal, vicious and knows where its interest lies, and that interest is not with the people but with the ruling class. We must never forget that the police and the Army are, the traditional enemies of the working class. APRIL 1914: Tonypandy—troops attack miners' strike. 1919; Glasgow — police used against General Strike. 1926: Troops and police used in a deliberate policy to break the General Strike. 1932-4: Police used frequently to attack hunger marches and marches of unemployed workers. 1934: Hyde Park—Police horses charged unemployed workers' rally. 1961: London—troops used to break Dock Strike. 1969: Belfast — troops move into Northern Ireland to prevent a breakdown of law and order. November 1971: Mounted polke used against T.U.C. unemployed march. 1972: Police used to break miners' pickets. January 30th, 1972: Derry — 13 shot dead on peaceful march. Remember? P.M.D. SUNDAY AFTERNOON IN NEWRY TX/'E take taxi to Newry, decide ' ' this is safest way to ensure not being turned back. There are over 40 roads into the town each with its own road block. Our road is controlled by the UDR. They order us out of car. UDR men politely but firmly point rifles at us, frisk us and search car for bombs and gun.s. This is every-day life in Northern Ireland. Frightening thing is the way the Newry citizens take it all for granted. This is their town and they have to live with it every day. The effect of the occupation and repression has been to consolidate the population into a massive and determined civil resistance. We are witnessing the birth of a people. Every council house has a poster stating "we are not paying rates or rents". The people have turned their back on Stormont, they say . -Vl "Bloody Sunday" — Running from OS gas through the Meenin Park Estate. DO-IT- YOURSELF / "kVER the last three years the ^ department has instituted various reforms of the diploma courses, largely as the result of student pressure. There are two diploma courses, one with a graduate enti-y, the other non-graduate with no formal entry requirements except an exam and interview. The final exam system was changed after a long campaign in May 1970, formal papers were abolished, except in Economics, and advanced notice papers substituted. The economics teachers, who had claimed non-formal exams to be impractical, succumbed last year and all papers were available under TO ALL MEMBERS OF THE SENIOR COMMON ROOM QWING to the continued possibility of .incursions by students into the S.C.R., your Committee feels that for the time being it will be wise to continue ; (a) to open the S.C.R, only during the normal service periods: 10.30-11.30 for coffee 12.30-2.45 for lunch 3 30 - 4.45 for tea and 5.30¦ 7.00 when the bar reopens (probably next week: this depends upon recruitment of new staR) (b) during these periods to keep open only the main entrance to the S.C.R. with porters in attendance. (c) not to replace the pictures while there is some danger of vandalism. We must ail regret the inconvenience that this involves. Your Committee will continue to keep the situation under review. ALAN STUART, Chairman.. ROGER ALFORD, Vice-Chairman. Senior Common Room Committee. To all non-members of the Senior Common Room ; Please note and take appropriate action. the reformed system. This involves four tutorial standard essays, to be written over eight weeks, questions being set with booklists. Meanwhile, attempts were being made to bring about parity of representation on the staff meeting or to make the departmental general as.sembly the decision making body. Neither succeeded and a compromise was reached about a year ago to create two sub-committees with parity of representation (six staff, six students) to replace the teaching committee. The sub-committees (Branch III and Diploma) are mainly concerned with teaching and selection: their powers are uncertain and a veto appears to remain with the staff meeting and the convener. Most reforms at present being instituted on the diploma courses concern the selection of students for the two year course. The entry appeared to be becoming very narrow: there being strong orientation towards social work: many people dropping out of university, then working for a year to come on the course. Relatively few were coming without qualifications and with an ordinary work experience, i as the course originally intended. ! Last year, research showed the ; majority of the course to have 'A' i levels and most to be middle class, i A committment to widen the course i has been accepted. The question was considered at a ! general meeting of the course and i ideas forwarded to the sub-commit-i tee. The course is now being j advertised in trade union journals j and the entry exam is under I review. I From next year the time out of i education requirement will be lengthened to two years and the sub-committee recommended the changing of interviewing panels to be two staff and one student. This has been experimentally instituted for both the one and two year diplomas, starting last Christmas, but the convener, and later the staff meeting, expressed doubts as to the rnaintenance of confidentiality, and student members of interviewing panels have not been able to see all relevant information, causing considerable difficulties for the student. The question of confidentiality is one of responsibility of the student and following marked solidarity of all members of the sub-committee at the staff meeting, the principle of equal rights was established. Negotiations with the higher academic corridors of power continue as someone senses some kind of threat. Teaching is under constant review with little change, block teaching of basic subjects is being tried on the one year course. Tutorials and the duty of the tutor has been considerably discussed at student meetings and the department has recently raised this with the academic board. Any reforms instituted have to be seen within the context of the university; it reamains to be seen whether in fact academics will be able to cope with a wider entry and it is possible that attempts could be made to turn workers into social workers rather than enabling people to develop their own ideas. The other changes do nothing to shift any power within this institution, mainly causing the departmental machine to operate more efficiently with an exercise in consultation, totally in keeping with the social democratic principles of the department and thus participation. B.A. "Stormont is finished". Perhaps most sm'prising — there is no hostility to the Protestants. The people are demanding elementary rights which can only be met by the overthrow of both Stormont and the Green Tory republic. At 3 p.m. the march begins, headed by MPs and local dignitaries. Behind them is a solid phalanx of .stewards. Behind follows 30,000-40,000 people. Overheard are four Army helicopters. FYom one emerges a rich Oxford voice informing us "you are breaking the law and are subject to six months imprisonment". The crowd raises a brief ironic cheer. This is a silent, memorial march. Before the first Army barricade the march is diverted by the stewards. They have abandoned their published route. They take us to the green. So we have had a mini-walk, restricted to the Catholic area. True we have all broken the law but hardly presented any threat to British imi>erialism. At the green there are speeches. A frustrated Army has set up barricades throughout the town. It is dusk the troops turn off the street lighting. Citizens are prevented from entering their own streets. But we are elite, our Press cai-ds get us through. Cars are forced to turn off their lights. Soldiers with rifles at the ready jump out of doorways screaming and swearing at people. The actually enjoy this. At the, Ardmore Hotel we attend a Press conference called by NIGRA. The Press is bored. But the real reason for the,march now emerges. A NIGRA leader, after explaining how disciplined the march was, says "the ball is now in Heath's court". NIGRA is exploiting the marchers to get a deal with Heath. For revolutionaries the demands of the civil rights by the people are not something to be traded in at a London conference for a few useless concessioiis. Civil rights can only have meaning if they are related to a programme for a workers' republic for the whole of Ireland. This means the overthrow of Stormont and Lynch Green-Toryism. In England it means the overthrow of the Toi-j' Government. We will never allow NIGRA to use us to put pressure on Heath. G.S. CON-SOC AGM WHILST Union voted £250 to the N.U.M. during the late afternoon of Friday, January 28th, CON-SOC held its A.G.M. in the Old Board Room. Having unanimously reinstated The Rt. Hon. Sir Alec Douglas-Home, KT, M.P., as Hon. President of the Society, the meeting then proceeded to digest the Chairman's report. Jacques gave a short summary of his year as Chairman and spoke of "our pressure for the closure of Houghton Street," the well attended meetings, especially those with Robert Garr, Chris Chataway and John Peyton," "and the visits to the House of Commons, I.T.V., the 'Times' and the 'Telegraph'." He went on to say that "I believe we have achieved much this year: the best evidence of this is that our membership has risen by over 50 per cent and we are now the largest CON-SOC in London University." The meetmg then debated three motions. The first concerned an anachronism in our constitution; unfortunately this now has to go before a non-existent Constitution Committee before coming into force. The second, proposed by Jacques, supported the proposal for a registrar of Unions. It was argued that the registrar was the only way in which the misuse of public money could be halted. However, a number of members questioned the piu'pose of Unions, claiming that the answer lay in voluntary Unions and student loans. The motion was defeated by a narrow margin. Amid ioud cheers Jacques handed over and the new Committee took office. The meeting then adjourned to the residence of James Foreman-Peck, the celebrations (J.A.A. retired!!!) going on to early morning. .JOHN BLUNDELL (Chairman L.S.E. CO*i-SOC). Printed by Ripley Printers Ltd., Ripley, Derbyshire and published by L.S.E. Students' Union, St. Clement's Building, Claremarket, London, W.C.2A 2AE.