Newspaper of the London School of Economics Students' Union
No. 127
FEBRUARY 6th, 1974
Focus on Africa
Page Seven and Centre-spread.

MAGGIE MAWLS STUDENT No.s
^ fffiKDM/C SOffld
A/5"3'
I
No inflation grant to universities
AT least 26,000 students entitled to a university education will be turned away following the Government's latest savage attacks on higher education. Universities' recurrent grants covering salaries, running costs and upkeep of buildings are to be cut by between £20 million and £40 million.
Instead of the promised increase in university intake to 306,000 students by 1966-7,
the increase will only reach 280,000.
Grants to start building at universities this year have been slashed from £70 million to £7 million and in addition, Britain's 44 universities will be starting a massive general cost - cutting p r o-gramme.
This follows a £15 million cut in equipment grants to universities by the Department of Education & Science,
and means :
*	Less staff (many universities have already cancelled staff advertisements).
*	Less variety of courses being offered.
*	More students crowded into fewer courses.
*	Reduction in student intake starting next September.
The Government has refused to pay any compensation for inflationary rises in costs during the 1974-5 academic year, and the hardest hit universities will be : London, Oxford, Cambridge, Sal-ford, Newcastle and Strath-clyde.
London academics admitted that this new spate of education bashing will mean a lowering of education standards for at least the next decade.
The Government promised the rises to beat inflation last
year but they were halved in December.
Mr Timothy Raison, Under-Secretary of State for Education and Science told the House of Commons that because of the 'economic crisis' the universities would now get none of the promised supplement.
The Poh'technics are facing equally serious cutbacks, with student intake dropping 20,000 below the 145,000 originally anticipated for the next few years.
Kingston Poly has already reduced the number of students it is interviewing at the moment by one-quarter.
But the attacks on higher education are hardly surprising. Mrs Thatcher and the Brains at the D.E.S. have successfully ignored the staffing shortage facing schools in London for years, by refusing to offer a better deal for teachers to attract them to London. (Mrs T.'s ovv-n brood are being nicely looked after at Harrow, thank you).
Despite the 750,000 full-time student figure set as a target for 1981 in the White Paper, "A Framework for Expansion" Mrs Hatchet - Thatcher has insisted for some time that a higher education for all those qualified and wanting it could be achieved below that figure.
Then why are universities preparing to turn away 26,000 students ?
Mr Laurie Sapper, general secretary of the Association of University Teachers, said : "The evidence we have from heads is that there is not going to be a drop in demand for university places for the next two years."
So what is the real reason ? We need to go no further than the L.S.E.
With a grant of £640,000 from mainly the Government and industry, the Schools Higher Education Research Unit has pul> lished 17 books on such topics as "Returns to Education" ; "Allocating Resources in Higher Education", and "Innovation & Efficiency in Higher Education" —a cost efficiency • analysis on education!
This year the unit is also look-
Troops and police against worker?
TROOPS and the police could be used together in industrial disputes, Home Secretary Robert Carr told the House of Commons.
"On the rare occasions troops have to be used, I cannot guarantee that police may not be operating as well. It would be most improper of me to give an undertaking that police and troops would never operate at the same moment," he told MPs in answer to questions on the Heathrow affair.
Is this the new face of repression in the class struggle ? Troops are still maintaining s 24-hour presence at the airport. "Beaver" investigates, P.6.
ing at (surprise ! surprise i) student numbers and higher education allocation ; and the role of education in "international cross-section production func-tions"(?).
Its official criterion is "Its research relates to methods of educational planning at national level, the relationship between what is provided in higher education and labour force needs, and the costs and operation of institutions of higher education."
Go on, Mrs T., admit it' Capitalism is in a mess and once again the Government is attempting to prop the system up at the expense of the working people of Britain (see back page for the real story behind the miners' dispute), their housing, education, welfare, food and living standards.
CRYSTAL
TEACH-IN ON THE POLITICS OF EDUCATION
(LSE, Feb. 1st, 1974)
OVER 200 people attended the teach-in on "The Politics of Education" organised by the Soc. Admin. Dept. at the LSE all day Friday, 1st Feb. Students and teachers from a wide variety of educational institutions turned up together with a number of other interested
people and a large group of students from the LSE, mainly from the Soc. Admin. Dept. As might have been expected, the number of staff who came, apart from a few enthusiasts from within the Dept. was minimal. Clearly the need to question the academic and "educational" situation within
which they work is not high on the list of priorities of the LSE staff.
The workshops were conceived by the planning group as being an opportunity for a totally different sort of learning experience from the traditional learning situation. Some of the morning workshops which were dealing direct with basic concepts that questioned traditional education situations succeeded in getting away from the deadening atmosphere of an academic seminar.
Workshops on "How can we Learn", "Teachers and Students — a meaningful distinction ?" and "Methods of Assessment" provided a positive opportunity for non-elitist exchanges of ideas and attitudes. Some of the arguments got quite heated, some seemed to develop new ideas, but most of the time was spent going over familiar ground.
What was perhaps most revealing and to some degree disappointing was the division in the afternoon workshops, in the Ideological Framework of Academic Subjects, between the "experts" and the "rest".
Certain patterns of communication were set up by which the non - economists / non-sociologists felt intimidated and unable to contribute. The discussions that did occur often stayed at the level of academic debates or competitive self-assertion. It seems as if the burden of the competitive, individualistic and heirachical education system of which we are all products, is much greater and much deeper than we often like to think.
The facts that the workshops specifically concerned with the need to develop a radical critique of bourgeois subjects were the very ones which produced the most obvious examples of academic elitism and competition, is very significant.
As members of the group who organised the teach-in we hope that it will provide the incentive for further developments, particularly in relation to a more critical appraisal of our own situation as students within the LSE. We hope that counter courses of a more permanent nature will develop and our own exam campaign in the Soc. Admin. Dept. should
incorporate a series of critiques of the courses we have to do. Many of these courses, economics, psychology, sociology, are central to the experience of most students in the LSE and we think that a more concerted and concrete attack on the assumptions which permeate these courses would be an important political development for large numbers of students in the LSE.
ACTION GROUP
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BEAVER. Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Two
GRANTS
"Our lot is closely tied in with that of the miners."
JOHN RANDALL LAUNCHES CLAIM FOR 35% RISE
February 8th — mass day of action
JOHN RANDALL launched the N.U.S. campaign for higher grants with a press conference at which he announced the claim for a 35 p.c. grants increase.
WE'LL HUFF AND WE'LL PUFF 'TILL WE BLOW THE TORIES OUT...A FABLE OF PAPER WOLVES
The demand, if met in full, would more than double present e.xpendi-ture on grants now estimated at £150 million. It seeks the raising of the maximum grant out.=:ide London from £480 to £655, with a proportional increase in the London rate, abolition of the means test and of discretionary av\'ards for non - university students, and full grants for married women students.
These demands were fully reported in the ' Guardier", by our representative at the Margate conference.
There is also a claim for grants to enable children of poor families to stay on at school after 16 to obtain college qualifications. For it is at this stage that there is most pressure on children from working-class homes to drop out of the educational system. And it is hard to re-enter if further qualifications are needed later.
This, with the introduction of mandatory instead of discretionary grants for all further education students aged 16 and 17, would cost £170 million. And a claim of £3 million to provide grants for evening classes and Open University students is also being made.
A claim of this scale is unlikely to be met by a government which
has just cut education spending by £182 million, and John Randall, N.U.S. President sees the defeat of the Tories as an essential element in the claim being met.
' Our lot is closely tied in with that of the miners," he said at the press conference.
"Our claim is inextricably linked with the education cuts and the general running of the economy. It is not likely that a go\'ernment which has chopped £180 million off its budget will make a major grant award of £320 million."
"But if there is ho increase." said the N.U.S. President, "the Anderson principle will be completely dead,"
The principle is that no-one suitably qualified should be denied access to higher education as a result of a lack of funds, "Already students are finding it difficult," John Randall said "to find the money needed to supplement their grants,"
Two demonstrations were announced — the first, to be held on February 8th, when at least 20,000 students from all over the countn' are expected to march from the South Bank to Hyde Park Coi-ner.
The second plans co-ordinated protests at colleges on March 4th.
JEREMY CLIFT
AT the end of last term a "Grants Action Committee" was elected to "organise" L.S.E.'s contribution to the NUS grants campaign.
It meets regularly on Monday mornings, .when various plans of ^'action" are formulated. One of the most pressing problems at the moment is how to find accommodation in London for "at least" 6,000 students from the provinces, who will want to stay overnight after their "militant" march on February Bth.
The suggestions for the number of students L.S.E. could put up, ranged from 500 upwards : this lower figure being eventually accepted as more "realistic".
Plans for where they should stay ended at the whole of St Clements and/or the main building — here the question to be decided was whether to book rooms individually through proper channels, or floors taken over en-masse. The quiet v ice mentioning that during last ; ar's great campaign only 50 odd ¦..anted accommodation, was quickly stifled.
Other cussed,
mobilise student.-Feb. dei:
for ca"
lectures.
equally vital prpblems dis-included how we should the estimated 500 L.S.E. . determined to support the 10 — not to mention plans teen boycotts, cancelling and waging a "militant"
(ana or course "mass") campaign against the' school authorities and the Hated Masters — the Tory Government.
The writer, elected as a member of this esteemed committee by the staggering vote of 58 (the highest!) at a Union Meeting of the usual 150, began to feel once more pervading unreality in the corridors of St Clements' first floor.
By now we should all know what the specific demands of the campaign are, but where did the demands come from? Can we honestly say these demands have come from the majority of students at the L.S.E. Our so-called representatives ... or leaders (?) have so brilliantly analysed the situation they are sure the students are prepared to fight for more money "like all other workers'.. If they aren't then it's just a question of putting out more campaign leaflets to "persuade" them.
Objectively, no one can deny the position of students' grants has degenerated considerably since 1964 (when the Labour Party came in) but this does not mean to say that this is the main problem for all students ... it varies with each institution and student. True, students should not accept their present financial situation but, to involve the student majority in the fight we need to deal with:
(1)	Our actual problems.
(2)	Finding their solutions.
It seems clear that the majoritj of the 1,500 UGs are not primarilj concerned with grants — many art overseas students whose problem; aren't even being considered.
Students come here to study knowing that their time here and therefore their economic situatior is temporary and, it will only be worthwhile if they get theii degree.
Academic problems are clearlj the main concern of most student! and they must be dealt with first;, before others will become relevant.
So what's a grants campaign alS about then? A government cutting higher education by £lgOm. is noS going to give in, no matter hosii militant students' action. Theiir answer — kick the Tories out aridi bring Labour back.
The Labour opposition has already admitted there will be ns more money from THEM for higher education.
Instead of huffing and puffing-like paper wolves our "socialist leaders" should go back and try t» understand Marxism instead of jusfe knowing the sentences; then mayb4 they would stop having such a, myopic outlook on students' problems and a clearer understanding of how to deal with them,
JAMES ALLEfji
IN a rehearsal for a possible General Election, Passfield Hall held a secret democratic ballot on Monday, 14th January. The mind-blowing question was, does the Hall support a Rent Strike or not?
Why was the question being posed? The same resolution had been passed at a Hall meeting last term. To understand the reasons one has to create a Passfield psychology. This is a hard challenging intellectual task, especially when one recalls the three topics of conversation that are forever debated in the Hall, viz : "My brain hurts", "I am bored" and ¦ Call thjs food?"
PASSFIELD STRIKES
AGAIN
So we won't bother; instead, the story . . .
Dateline, Wednesday, January 9th—at a House meeting called for ^udent piiilanthropist G. Dawson. -Warden of his flat (and some say the Hall) a plea was heard against a R.S, on grounds of, inability to pay the bills, loss of job, etc. The assembled company, surprised and startled by this amazing and novel line of reasoning, surged in patriotic democratic fervour in favour of a secret ballot at which the Warden, his Sub-Wardens, administrative staff, ¦'cooks and cleaners could vote. Oh, the students were also allowed one vote each. This democratic surge was achieved on the third attempt, 32-32 (a draw), 38-34 against the ballot on an approximate hand count and 40-38 for the ballot on a "body through the doorway" principle. In the last vote, the Warden and his Sub-Wardens came through the sheep-dip, making their first anpearance in the votin" lists that night.	°
Dateline, Sunday, January 13th—exciting sultry Hall President, Love Bernie, opened his Extra-Ordinary Hall Meeting with the battle cry: w e re going to change the Hall Conventions". This he kept repeating viz, its only a change in the Conventions", when it w^as pointed out that disenfranchising non-students was the name of the game. But its democratic, mover Timmins rejoined. "Anyone can vote on the issues that appear before the Hall meetings; but what of the other problems' Why does the Warden keep decisions about fees, staffing, admissions, organisation and expenditure wreathed in secrecv and to himself No reciprocal Democracy. Therefore the Hall Meetings are the forum' of a student pressure group. We must not be contaminated by elitist Arian stock, he chundered. The masters were duly disenfranchised.
Dateline, Monday, January 14th—the vote closed at 8.00 p.m. with 143 votes cast. Twenty votes were not claimed because the technical problems of making a cross or tick (decisions decisions) were so overawing, 20 people were overawed. Can students count? Apparently not. On the first count the R.S. was carried by 70-65, the second by 70-67 and the final one by 69-68 with four abstentions and two spoiled. What happened to the fourth count? Did Love Bernie threaten Returning Officer Mike? Did the Passfield cuisine sap Mike's energy? Will the Warden throw Mike out? No doubt we will never know how the decision will be arrived at.
SERJOUS BIT.
The theory of a R.S. demands,
(1)	Solid support.
(2)	Possible non-payment of dues, ever.
(3)	Local objectives or, at the very least, the certain knowledge that the accumulated worry will be communicated — upwards to the decision-makers.
At Passfield,
(1)	The R.S. is not solid. It is a minority activity: no more than 69 people will support the R.S. because the motion speaks only of support for the principle of it. In reality, because of the motion, the most optimistic Broad Left estimates put the number of R.Srs. at 50, whilst intelligent observers consider 40 a fine Concorde total.
(2)	The LSE have given the impression that the dues will be forthcoming at the end of term. Whether this view is correct or erroneous is irrelevant. As long as the LSE can work on a planned eventual income basis, it is not going to worry about the R.S.
(3)	Thus, because the objectives are not local and there is nothing of any import to communicate, (LSE to Govt., "40!" Govt, to LSE, "Only 40? Piss off . . , "), if the LSE wanted to, as a political weapon we are witnessing its death throws. As a financial weapon it is trivial.
So. what are the implications for future Hall students?
E.xpect the fees to rise next year. How does £80 grab you? Richer students tend to be refined, if not passive.
E.xpect to see more foreigners in residence. With a p,a. income requirement of £950 before the LSE looks at them, they can afford and, have little sympathy with the aims of the campaign.
Expect more women to tweet, "I'm in Hall" (yummy yummy). Sorry
about this, but women as a group tend to be more conservative.
Expect an admittance policy that selects students of specific right-wing views. Therefore don't expect agitators in Hall for their first time to return. (Let's call it victimisation).
And, a note for Wanda Brown (Executive Welfare). Don't be surprised if your campaign to get all first-year students offered Hall accommodation, fails.
And, a note to the Grants Action Committee, What's this? "Already Passfield Hall has voted to come out , . . the GAC is making a number of preparations including arranging for London-based students to move into the hall (ray emphasis) during the Easter Vacation. ..." The resolution passed at Union was that the Halls themselves, decide their affairs. Passfield knows nothing of this. Who's dug up Joe. . . .
Now, a constructive alternative from an idea of Simon Higmans. That a national advertising campaign be instituted, mainly in Sixth Form magazines, advising prospective university students:
(1)	To delay entry into University until the grant rises to an acceptable level.
(2)	If this is not possible, to apply to those Universities that are situated in less expensive areas, London should be avoided at all costs.
(3)	To not apply to Universities whose facilities are designated, sub-standard, i.e.. The London School of Economics.
This fresh tactic promotes tha following thoughts:—
(1)	By using a recognised means dt communication
(a)	The protest is enhanced because readers are trained to take notice of advertisements and believe them,
(b)	Further enhanced by removing the visual image ot a feckless student with its negative associations whilst replacing it with nothing, It's very hard to attack anonymity.
(2)	It is a blatant revelation of the shortcomings of a controversial situation. It could be callefj consciousness raising. Another word is education.
(3)	Questions W'ill be asked, not by nondescript groups that can b» ignored (students), but by respected institutions / figm-es of society and those about to embark upon a "University career". This last group will be of vital import to "them" because:
(4)	A direct threat is posed to th'i industrial system of the country, one that increasingly demands "trained" (i.e., socialised) manpower.
As for Rent Strikes, they shouli be used for local protest issuer (rent, food, etc.) only. They hav^ been useful as training'education classrooms, and have brought to the notice of local administrators the dissatisfied condition of soms of their charges. But it's time to move on,
PETER TIMMIN®
BEAVER, Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Xbree
ARMAGEDDON

THE STORY SO FAR
HAVING been tipped off by a magnanimous (but drunk) gentlebear of fortune. Balsa 'and Balsam made a lucky strike on the Robbins Handicap (sponsored by Hartley's New Jam CLebl Ltd) and took off for the Sahara, with Bruin's Beartours on a packaged skiing holiday, but as luck would have it they were hijacked by a f&natical Ruritanian merchant banker, who, because Blackpool won the cup in 1951 (with Stanley Mortenson scoring a hat-trick), wanted passionately to go to Austria— "If it's not too much trouble," he said—where, on arrival, they were accosted by a fiiember of an international porridge-smuggling ring, with agents in Craigellachie, Strathpeffer, Loch Morar, and Letchworth, but upon consideration, decided to go home, where, on a news-stand at Heathrow they were greeted by . . .
Bees strike: ballot shortly
NATIONAL HON£Y SHORTAGe
"THEM bloody commies again," said Balsa tingrammatically.
"Humph!" said Balsam, for once at a loss for words.
"Though I suppose," mused Balsa "it's been on the cards for a long time ; they've been running the hives down for years."
Balsam said nothing, but strode over to the assistant for a copy of "The Bares of The World".
The news was shocking—even worse than he had feared, and the situation was deteriorating rapidly.
"What's it say, then ?" asked the im-Ifatient Balsa, jostling his friend rudely.
. Clearing his throat and giving a slight paws for effect Balsam—in a tone which befitted the gravity of the news which he was about to deliver—began :
"... and the Minister for Trade and Ainky Underwear told reporters that, after a four-hour meeting (with a three-hour break to watch Crystal Tipps and Alistair Co.) the N.U.B., representing some 90^ per tent of all worker bees, and a substantial iliinority of white-collar drones, had put lionvard various suggestive proposals, and that discussion had been frank, friendly tod stimulating, with great progress Having been made concerning manual workers' differentials. If the press wanted & fuller account of the day's proceedings.

I ./
F1 '
y


SCOOP
they were all invited to a whip-round at his place. "Please bring your own two-way mirror," the Minister suggested.
Reports from tHe hives would appear to contradict the Minister's optimism. Official figures, released today, indicate that stocks, especially of high-grade honey necessary for the basic existence of the hive as a whole, were running dangerously low, compared to last year's levels. One official of the C.B.I. (Campaign against Bees Inequality) commented: "If the government isn't careful the country may come to a sticky end." This remark must, however, be taken with a pinch of salt. For work is already in progress to bring ashore natural honey by 1975.
The reasons for the dispute are still not clear. It is widely believed by people who should know better that First Secretary, Adenoid Bearznev is behind the increasing militancy of the bees. ..."
"Reds under the hive", interrupted Balsa showing signs of indoctrination as a result of his attendance at the Bear Group's Wine and Porridge Parties.
But Balsam knew better.
"It's pure unadulterated "greed," he asserted "first one lot and then the next. The ants will be getting a rise soon." "They should stop their Social Security", said Balsa, changing his tune slightly.
And that is exactly what they did.
J.D. & J.C.
DEAR SIR,
I WRITE to protest at the grave and malidous Slander against our beloved Royal Family as Contained in Miss Chris Till Tilley's article teadlined: "Wedding Bells". As a respectable, tax-paying, patriotic Englishwoman who is fenly too honoured to donate towards the £35,000 Swarded Princess Anne on her wedding, and jjirecious little it is for all the hard work she fcuts in on behalf of her country, I was outraged
hear of the mock wedding held on Her Royal Highness's wedding day.
Is nothing sacred in this country any more ? 1 remember the day when to breathe a word of fcriticism of our wonderful Royal Family was bntamount to treason. Sadly this is no longer The case and Britain is the poorer as a result.
Why shouldn't women students who marry
have their grants cut. How many of them once married will ever pursue their studies sufficiently to complete their degree courses and actually take up responsible jobs ? We all know the sort of things young students get up to these days and I for one say it should be made harder, not easier, to get a grant. Think how little old-age pensioners receive. Students are pampered and then fling nothing but abuse at the people who've worked hard to put them through university.
The students of this country are nothing but a bunch of bone-idle, irresponsible, all talk and no acting fledglings who need a clip "round the ear and a good shaking". Where has the enthusiasm, the drive, the fire, the earnestness gone ?
Yours faithfully, DISGUSTED OF FULHAM-^
(Name and address supplied)
FOR MILLENIUM
FOR those of you interested in international politics, "Millenium," the Journal of International Studies, has just come up with one of those enviable scoops which should rocket the sales of this already fast expanding publication.
In an exclusive article for "Millenium," Senator Edward Kennedy spells out his position on European defence: why last year he voted against proposals to reduce US forces stationed abroad, and what he hoped to achieve by co-sponsoring the Mathias-Kennedy Amendment to the US Military Procurement Authorisation Bill.
Other articles in this edition include submissions by Paul Coulbois, Professor of Political Economy at the Sorbonne, on European Monetary Integration and International Monetary Reform ; Jean Rey, President of the Commission of the European Communities, f967-70 ; and James Mayall and Adam Roberts, both in the International Relations Department at LS.E.
Perhaps in the next edition the editor will feel able to lean heavily in favour of more student submissions, so that the original ideas behind the publication are not lost sight of, i.e., it was intended as primarily a student publication.
John Carr, known to his friends, and other "Beaver" readers, as Fuzzy Wuzzy, and from whom there is a letter in this edition, seems to have felt the weight of continual references to him in our "Guardier" issue. Just after it came out John Carr is reported to have lost his first election battle ever, and he attributes this to extensive coverage in "Beaver", which incidentally, he condemns as biased.
Just at a time when students really need NUS to fight their battles for them, when student places are being cut, and grants to universities and colleges are being axed, NUS is busy fighting its own battles over the leadership.
A case, perhaps, of The Broad Left strikes again !
—-•t
Liberals around the School seem to be- getting a little frustrated, now that the Liberal Society virtually collapsed. Said one antipodean Liberal: "The Liberal Society died last year. This year 'rigor mortis' is setting in."
Julian Hall, well-known lawyer and student politician, has supplied "Beaver" with his own interview. The following are extracts from his
"The first two weeks were spent in begging the Broad Left to leave me thoughts. . . .
alone. And during that time I was trying to find out what my job entailed.
"Now that the Tories have given up "Quorum" calls as their most potent weapon, their new toy now seems to be using the law itself; which I think is hilarious. What's Elias gonna do now about 'bourgeois legality' ?
"One of the major determinents of the success of any negotiations with the School is our ability to throw away the pedantry of Left-wing in-fighting. Otherwise nothing will ever be accomplished.
"There is no difference between the Broad and ultra left when it cbmes to student grants. We have the same goal. . . .
"How do we solve the problem of getting political asylum for seven . (Chilean) students ? Well we don't do it by fiddling behind eight closed doors, and sending out eight different letters of appeal and attacking eight kinds of ruling class. But that's what happened . . .
"I don't believe in sabbatical officers.
"Student politics at the LSE is a farce. But that is not to say that this state of affairs cannot be changed. We'd need changes in the constitution and agreement among the Left on some basic issues. . . .
I "One of my greatest criticisms of the LSE Students' Union is that it's got to establish a set of priorities, at the top of which is student welfare.
"And I think people should get involved because one of my greatest problems as Senior Treasurer has been explaining to various societies that in order for them to get the money they want, they have to come to Union meetings and vote for it.
"... come to Union meetings. . . . Otherwise, I am wasting my time, and so is the school."
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BEAVER, Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Four
LETTERS
"... if 'Beaver' received ten Monday Club articles and one from the Broad Left, 'Beaver' would feel obliged to print the Broad Left article instead of one of the Monday Club articles in order to give a balanced perspective of the overall political feelings of L.S.E. students."
Extract from 'Beaver' Statement—last issue.
Dear Beaver.
it is interesting that 'Beaver' has taken to itself the right to determine what the "political feelings" of L.S.E. students are and has even offered us a mathematical formula for arriving at decisions on how to construct a "balanced perspective." I prefer to give that kind of power only to an individual, or to individuals, who have stood the test of an election and have been adjudged fit by the democratic process. I instinctively react against the position which seems to exist at present whereby anyone Who happens to drift in can effect the political form and content of our main organ of communication. Such situations are easily open to abuse and tend to encourage cliques and oligarchies.
Another interesting point which emerges from the above quotation is the juxtapositioning of the Broad Left with the Monday Club. A Freudian slip, or am I being too paranoid? But when one considers that in one of the largest ever turn-outs in a Union election, five Broad Left members were voted on to the Executive Committee, one is bound to ponder on the preciseness of the "balanced perspective" that 'Beaver' is trying to convey. One's fears are only added to when one discovers the several blatantly inaccurate statements/attacks on the Broad Left or some of its members, made elsewhere in the Journal.
Libel Bloody Libel
DEAR POMMY BASTARDS,—("Beaver" apologises for the use of bad language).
It was enough to make me chunder seeing that picture of Verity Burgmann in "The Guardier" of 9th January (2p) with "Independent" underneath. Independent of bloody what, I want to know. She definitely stood on the triple platform of Trotskyism, Female Chauvinism, and Foster's Lager, and I presume she's not independent of any of these ideologies, apart from her Luxem-burgist hangups. And she specifically said "Socialist" on her bleedin' nomination form. You've made a blue—I hope all your chickens turn into emus and kick you dunnee down. "Independent" stinks of wishy-washy liberalism and it's an insult to a Trotsky-bloody-ite.
Yours,
bazza Mckenzie
Sorry Sheila.
If I could deal with one or two of these (and they mainly concern myself and / or Shelley Adams): in the article "What To Do About Union" by "G.F." (George Foy?), a successful attempt is made to imply that a policy which I advocated in Union was in some way influenced by the "fact" that at the time I was being considered for membership of an Inn of Court (Gray's Inn), and that this same "fact" also prevented me from joining the Communist Party. This is the Gutter Press at its worst.
The merest enquiry would have revealed that I had joined Gray's Inn some 18 months before the question of the per capita arose in Union (and joining an Inn is no big deal either; all one needs is the entrance fee, two referees and the absence of a criminal record—there's lots of them about) and by the way, there are several very well-known members of the Communist Party and other socialists practising at the Bar, and an even greater number who decided not to practise; one could hardly say either that Bram Fisher, Q.C, or D. N. Pritt, Q.C. were outcasts or failures because of their membership of the Communist Party (the former is still serving a life sentence in South Africa for the same). An apology, please? and this time I think I'll up the price of a settlement out-of-Court to two pints of Tankard, (the last time I let George off with only one).
The article by Peter Capel, "Un Homme et Une Femme" was equally remarkable for the paucity of truth it contained. Unfortunately, I was at the Margate N.U.S. Conference at the time Julian Hall chose to make that attack on myself and Shelley, but I understand that Mr Capel has faithfully reported the words which Mr Hall used. However, I was present at the following week's Union Meeting when Mr Hall apologised for the attack. Why was no mention made of Mr Hall's apology in Mr Capel's article ? 'Beaver' was still weeks away from publication date. Even if Mr Capel did not happen to attend the meeting where Mr Hall issued his apology, the Editorial Staff of 'Beaver' were aware that it had been made and they therefore clearly failed, again, in their editorial duty to present copy which is as full and as accurate as is humanly possible.
Quite apart from that though, Mr Hall's attack, and the Returning Officer's remarks, were based on completely false information. I did try to raise this in Union but was ruled out-of-order by the Chairman. Consequently one cannot blame Mr Capel for not presenting our position though one might reasonably have hoped that the Editorial Staff of 'Beaver' would insist on at least some form of interview with a member of the Broad Left, if only to hear what they had to say about Mr Hall's allegations. Unfortunately, Shelley's reply to Mr Hall in Union that day, was far from complete as I had been unable to contact her before leaving for Margate (I was the one who had the meeting with Mr Kenieny and the Returning Officer in Union Office before going to inform Paul-Cockrell and Alastair Coe that it was O.K. to distribute the leaflet).
¦ The election statement issued by the Broad Left was issued with the prior knowledge and consent of the Returning Officer and of Mr Kemeny. The fact that Mr Kemeny subsequently chose to break the election regulations can in no way be a reflection on the Broad Left. Mr Kemeny has never been a member of the Broad Left and more often than not opposes us in Union; however we felt we had a right to express our views on that election just as other political groups had done in the earlier Executive Committee elections—but we first ensured that our action was within the election regulations and that no candidate would be or could be disqualified as a result.
There are several other points which are also factually incorrect or incomplete, but to go through them one by one would be too tiresome and boring for the readers. We hope we have made our point. However, I do think that the time has come for Union to review the position of 'Beaver' and to consider possible alternative ways of ensuring more accurate reporting and the intelligibility of the political analyses and weightings.
LOVE
FUZZY WUZZY.
REVOLUTION IN THE UNION'
J.A.C.O.S:S: Candidate explains deliberate sabotage of union election rules
.1 DELIBERATELY broke and will continue to break the present election regulations confining every candidate to 200 handouts to be given personally to all voters within the space of one week for they are a manifestation of bourgeois Tory illogicality and elitism taken to its logical limit.
It is the right of each and every one of the 3,000 students at the LSE to be informed of what each candidate stands for, and for each candidate to be permitted "free speech" to inform so that" all students can make an informed choice on election day; not a mere privileged 200.
A situation exists where the mass of students are far from being given incentive to attend union meetings and vote at elections, put off from participating in union affairs by its system of rules and regulations. At Friday Union meetings, there is often no quorum from the start as a mass of students do not attend, and 150 students are speaking in the name of 3,000. To the student masses Union in this state is
incapable of winning their respect and working for their interests; to many it is just a joke. The student masses left out must therefore be mobilised to change or overthrow this system of rules and regulations which give control of union to an elitist minority, some of whose representatives on the executive have made meagre attempts to communicate with the student body at large and behave like the new aristocracy remote from the people.
In order to mobilise the degraded, exploited student masses, used by the elite, to carry out a revolution in the LSE Students' Union against the ruling elite, I deliberately broke the Union rules and if given the choice would do it again.
I will be disqualified for this but these absurd regulations will never be imposed at any other elections. I have stood for what I believe.
SHAILESH K. ADALJA
JACOSS candidate for the by-election to the Union Executive who»was disqualified by Returning Officer Simon Higgman.
ONCE again we are confronted with the hoary dynamism of vituperations from that Mafia cell known euphemistically as the Broad Left.
Notwithstanding their stealthy advance into every Union orifice, and its consequent repercussions on an unsuspecting student body (heaven help us now that their Guru, Jo Ni Carr is th^ Union Meeting Chairman), they seem to have an odd knack for sounding credible.
In the face of the collapse of Ye Olde Englande they have emerged from their burrows advancing what has come to be known as "The Magnetic Charter".
Already many renowned academics are hotly disputing the ability of the Magnetic Charter to give buoyancy to a steadily-sinking Students' Union.
The psychology department has conducted a series of carefully conducted surveys into students and staffs attitudes towards the Sinking Pound.
Responses vary from "I think they ought to use a bicycle pump to inflate it" from a first-year economics student to "The functionalist theory of the Minimising Charter lacks the dualistic approach that incorporates not only the existential ..." (The tape seems to have been erased at this point and the Director is setting up an enquiry into the cause of this erasure.
It has already been shown that E. Hamillion-Browning Jones could not have pressed the erasure button on the ceiling of her office while trying to extract a gumdrop from her big toe while answering two phone calls simultaneously.
This state of affairs has led to speculations concerning the coming elections of students to the vacancy caused by the resignation of Shelley (call me Wally) Adams from the Executive Committee. Some pundits and psephologists are speculating on an early election but the Director of Heathco's has hotly disputed this while seen to be inflating something resembling an Englishe Pounde with a bicycle pump.
Yours voluptuously,
CHAIRMAN OPPEL.
Tories become revolatiomiries . . . overnight!
WHICH incorrect political observers ascribe no revolutionary fervour to the great and glorious Tories of L.S.E. ?
Certainly not yours truly. There I was, enveloped in the customary hush with which Union carries out its affairs, expectantly following the elections to ULU's S.R.C.! J. Crookes, Esq., well-known failed Senior Treasurer, stood for delegation as a committed Marxist, being a member of the well-known, nay infamous WRP (Workers Revolutionary Party, Hammersmith Odeon Branch). "THE ELECTIONS were tense.
It was obvious by the lack of snores emanating from the Tories that they were taking a rare interest in Union. The vote came to Crookes; and without exception, every Tory in the place laid themselves on the line. Here at last was a candidate they could support, being witty, ebullient, forceful, and having the correct political perspective.
Hands shot up ; gone were the days of the political wilderness. This encouraging state of affairs will be fuller dealt with next issue.
It is believed that Central Office are investigating the actions-of their "red" infiltrators; LSE students should watch for cases of victimisation; they deserve our support.
Yours,
JOTTO
Politicos cross-country run
IF you want to listen to some more speeches about how poor you are, and fancy some brisk exercise, the following information will be of interest to you.
Demo, route, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 8th.
12.30 • 2.00 assemble at Belvedere Road. Then march up York Road, waving as you go past the DES, plunge over Waterloo Bridge, on up to Oxford Street ending confused, hoarse, exhausted and well guarded at Hyde Park at about 4 or 5 p.m. Then home to tea and muffins knowing a good day's demonstrating has been accomplished. P.S.: don't forget the Union meeting; the first two this term have been inquorate.
^____BKAVER, Feb. 6th. 1974—Page Fi
THE PIGGY BANK
BLUES
THE intended aim of this article is to reveal to the general body of students at the LSE the irresponsible and haphazard manner by which Union finances are controlled. No attack is intended upon any specific individual, and no suggestion of impropriety is intended.
The 1973 Accounts omit individual accounts from the Film Society, Ents, and "Beaver". These were alluded to by both the Auditors and the Senior Treasurer. However, no mention was made of the Clare Market Review.
According to the Accounts £263 was spent on the Review (although I am informed that some £72 is in respect of Union handouts). There has been no revenue from this source according to Union accounts. The advertising revenue has yet to ¦be received, and no sales income could be traced. The conclusion was that no copies have been sold, so I enquired how many copies were produced so : that the potential sales revenue could be estimated.
The answer varied from 200 1 to 500—nobody was sure, but all ; agreed that a substantial number of copies were upstairs in the "Beaver" office.
If none have been sold why does the Union support the Review? Is it just to throw away some £200 of Union money, and how can the Review be justified as being "world famous" if no copies have been sold ? On the other hand if copies have been sold, who has pocketed the money ? — There is glearly a case for an investigation.
The Accounts also reveal that the Union has a proliferation of bank deposit accounts, with approximately £14,000 in them. No account has £10,000 in it, so it can safely be assumed that the deposits are earning interest at the rate of 9^ per cent.
THE Senior Treasurer and the members of the E.G. who have been negotiating with the pro-director, Mr Grunfeld, have been having a hard time. After the meeting on Monday, 21st January, our delegation came away in bad humour and reported : "We've been spanked."
.Mr Grunfeld has referred to the "ever-present possibility of the School's attention being drawn to misapplication of funds by the Auditor General." I This is believed to be a refer-' ence to the fact that some Union societies dot not fall into the category deemed legally acceptable for expenditure of union finances, i.e. Africa Society and the Chile Solidarity Campaign. He has also "snorted" at the idea of a minibus and has insisted on a pains-
However, if all the money was held in one account interest would be at a rate greater than per cent. I would estimate a figure of not less than Hi per cent, possibly much more — but even on this estimate Union is losing £280 a year.
Furthermore, Union holds £4,344 61 per cent Treasury Stock 1976, which earns about £280 a year interest. If Union sold this investment and put the proceeds into lOJ per cent Treasury Stock 1976, Union would received an increase in income of about £160 a year.
NO INCOME
Before passing on to the Budget for 1973-74 I would like to quote extracts from the Senior Treasurer's Report. Commenting on the Clare Market Review he writes: "... there is now a small income from sales." He continues ; "The expenditure on . . . has reduced by . . . though a reduction in the amount paid to Ents. because of its increased profitability in 1972-73."
These statements are both materially incorrect and misleading. There has been no income from the Review (see above), and since Ents. failed to submit accounts for the year, how does the Treasurer know that Ents had "increased profitability" ?—However, if Ents was profitable why did Union give it £360 last year, and £530 the previous year ?
The Budget for the current financial year falls a long way from the ideal. Firstly, it failed to give an estimate of Union income for the year. It is little better than useless to draw up expenditure figures if you don't know what your income is going to be.
Secondly, many of the figures
were "plucked out of the air" without much consideration. A small example will illustrate the point.
The budget for telephone bills is £850, yet the Finance Secretary said at a Finance Committee meeting, in reply to a question I asked, that a quarterly phone bill of £200 was unlikely. So why do we budget £850 for phone bills when at a super-maximum £800 will cover the cost ?
SOOIETIES-
The budget for "Beaver" is £2,074—justified by the promise of appreciably more issues than in the previous year, and by the purchase of a tape machine for the use of "Beaver". Why this should come under the "Beaver" budget and not under the Equipment budget I don't know, but accepting that it does, why is there no depreciation allowance in the "Beaver" budget for the tape machine ?
At the Annual Budget Meeting I was informed that for simplicity all depreciation was lumped together in the Depreciation account—then why I ask is the tape machine not in the Equipment budget, for the sake of simplicity ?
Furthermore, the figure for depreciation at £100 is far too low in relation to the Equipment budget of £1,300. It is being provided at an average rate of about 7| per cent, when a realistic rate would be about 30 per cent, or in monetary terms £400.
Moving "on to the Societies section, several societies had surprisingly large budgets — but as long as they are bona fide societies there can be few objections. However, when societies which I believe exist only constitutionally, and not in practice, have claims which have been accepted by the Annual Budget Meeting I can only but surmise that the money is going to line the pockets of the officials of such "bogus" societies. This practice must be stopped.
SOLUTIONS
An item of £400 appears under Millenium. Millenium is an international affairs magazine, with a highly deserved reputation. At a meeting the representative of Millenium said that he expected this to be a "once only" operation, and that when the magazine ran into profit there would be no need for the Union to finance Millenium.
That's very nice of him, but if the magazine is going to make a profit I feel that the Union should have its £400 returned as and when Millenium's finances permit. I feel that Union should make an interest-free loan to Millenium for a period of three years, rather than an outright gift.
There is one condition, and that is that Millenium should keep accounts for the year to end 31st July (i.e. the date on which Union accounts are drawn up).
It may occur to you to question why I did not raise these points at the Annual Budget Meeting. The answer is simple — discussion on earlier parts of the budget took so long that the allotted hour for the A.B.M. was used up before the budget had been completely discussed.
and in keeping with the shoddy manner by which we run our financial affairs, the budget was automatically approved by a show of hands.
As a summary, I would like to recommend that the Clare Market Review, "Beaver", Ents and Film Society present annual accounts that should form part" of the Accounts in the same way as Florries, the Shop and the Bar do.
In addition Millenium and societies which have annual budgets in excess of £100, should be asked to provide accounts. It cannot be too heavily stressed that the provision of accounts to the Union will not result in any loss of autonomy already enjoyed by the organisations concerned.
I would further recommend that the Finance Committee considers in greater detail proposals submitted to it, and that the A.B.M. should continue until all parts have been fully discussed.
Lastly, I hope that I am heeded, or one day we shall wake up and find that we are a bankrupt Union.
JIM STRIDE
• •
AND TO CAP-IT-ALL
taking item-by-item investigation of the proposed budget.
Most worrying of all for the delegation has been the reference by the pro-director to Union as "irresponsible". He has said, in effect, that if union wishes to make irresponsible demands it should be quite prepared to be treated accordingly.
Understandably, Mr Grunfeld is concerned that money allocated to Union should only be spent in accordance with the constitution. That is, that it should only be spent for educational or charitable purposes. But his claim that overseas societies expenditure is ultra-vires is invalid if the societies concerned comply with the obligation to educate students. His point that union is being given public money and that it should therefore be used for the pur-
poses specified is taken, but there is no call for him to use an otherwise reasonable argument as intimidation.
OON.-MECH.
The allegation that Union is irresponsible is harder to quarrel with in view of the Con. Mech. affair. Apart from the fact that Lindsay Greig of Con.-Mech. was to be paid more than three times as much as the usual speakers fee for a two-minute speech, the payment would have been a political one and thus in breach of the constitution. It is not known whether Mr Grunfeld has a spy at the union meetings, but if he did not his accusations could not have been more well-founded.
Behaviour at union meetings is, as a whole, immature and unruly. It is ridiculous that decisions reached in this way have
to be justified by a group of people who take their roles seriously and genuinely want to see an improvement • in the present grant. How can they be expected to defend or justify a budget that is unjustifiably based on the expectations of a small band of politicos in the Union ?
Would many people who attend union meetings still behave in the same way if they had heard Mr Grunfeld's reply to a statement that every item on the budget could be justified ? Mr Grunfeld said : "It is silly to pick a figure and spend it whether or not you have the money. ... It is utterly irresponsible to make assumptions of this kind. You go T>ack and tell the Union that it is not on." On the grounds of the ex-gratia payment he said: "What's to stop the Union playing around
again ... we have had right villains in the past and we will have some in the future."
It's quite clear what Grunfeld thinks of us. And if you don't like it, kids, you'd better do something about it.
The long-standing argument over what has become known as the "ex-gratia" payment is still rankling. A figure of £6,240 is involved and the school refiises to hand it over to Union claiming that we did not exist during that period in 1972 when the students here decided to have a new constitution. Julian Hall says that this contention would l^t stand up in Court, and if the School wants to compromise by including that sum in the total figure for the improved grant, the issue might be taken to court.
JULIAN BRUTUS-
BKAYKK. Feb. 6th, 1974—f'age Si\
KEEPING THEM OUT OR US IN ?
• • •

THE ARMING OF THE POLICE^ AND THE INCREASING USE OF THE ARMY HAS BECOME AN ALARMm PART OF BRITISH LIFE.
THE spectacle of Metropolitan policemen, standing chin to automatic with soldiers in tanks and armoured cars looked incongruous to even the more veteran News at Ten telly watchers. But the Heathrow operation was an Enid Blyton epic with a steely sting. It is a situation that people living under fascist regimes in Greece and Chile experience every day.
Stories and photographs of Private Joe Bloggs searching the saddle bag of London typist Nellie Bunn for an inter-missile launching-pad made a fine meal for the hackneyed press—but the joke wore off when it slowly dawned that armed British soldiers were searching civilians and taking a primary role in what was meant to be a police-civilian operation, without any regard to the Special Powers Act.
No doubt, the people of Northern Ireland are used to raising their arms to be searched every time they pass a Green Beret, but what prompted this joint effort by the men in khaki and blue ?
We were told that the security operation was carried out because of the threat of Palestinian guerillas using short-range missiles on British targets.
The manoeuvre also coincided with the shooting of Lord Sieff by an assassin with a lousy aim (Lord Sieff, of Marks & Spencers was up and holidaying in the Caribbean within a few weeks of the incident) : and the arrival of an 18-year-old girl at Heathrow with arms and ammunition in her luggage.
Two known sympathisers of the Palestinian oi'ganisation who arrived a little later were also arrested, and the American F.B.L announced that they had known the girl was carrying arms.
British security were hoping the girl might lead them to a terrorist gang. It rather left them with egg on their faces when no gang materialised.
But was this the real motive behind the Heathrow operations and did it warrant this type of action ? Soldiers were even stationed in Windsor Park, in case the "missiles" were used to shoot down planes over Windsor Castle. I suppose the soldiers were to rush around with blankets to catch the pieces.
Was it all really to keep '"them" out or to keep "us" in ? — A little exercise in urban population control.
The arming of the police, and events of the last few years to
the increasing use of the army in civilian affairs is becoming an alarming characteristic of British life.
After five years of active service in Northern Ireland, the British army is becoming quite expert in dealing with urban disturbances. Their skill, as many politicians in this country must realise, can be applied to any situation where a mass of people become involved in conflict with the state.
The use of troops in conflict situations in Britain is known to have the backing of military like Brigadier Frank Kitson, and Major General Richard Clutterback.
Many decisions covering security never reach the ear of the public for "security" reasons, but we only have to look at
The SPG costs about £1m. per year. There are about six SPG units with headquarters behind Houndslow police station. They have a vast fleet of transit vans (like the one on the right), Hillman Hunters, and other unmarked cars.
see the trends.
Five per cent of the Gross National Product this year — £3,365m. — was earmarked for defende. This included £29m. for Northern Ireland, where in 1972, 46,000 soldiers served duty making it the British Army's largest training ground.
In 1972 police were issued with arms on 2,237 occasions— 1,717 in the Metropolitan area.
Last spring, the Tory Government published via the Conservative Political Centre, the document "In Defence of Peace"; a clear indication of their endorsement for the use of the British Army to combat "counter insurgency" in Britain. It was drafted by such Tory parliamentary spokesmen on defence as Sir John Peel, MP,
Patrick Wall and Philip Good-hart.
Under the title "Internal Security", a section fully endorses the view of Kitson, "Economist" contributor Robert Moss and Sir Robert Thompson on urban guerilla warfare; with an emphasis on greater liaison between police and the military over security.
It recommended closer involvement for the professional soldier in making political decisions with the re-training of soldiers in "counter terrorism". Urban terrorism is a serious threat. We must treat it seriously." But it continues that only such conditions as rocketing inflation and high employment will allow members of an advanced industrial society to tolerate "extremists" in their midst.
(Harold Wilson recently condemned Phase Three and Heath for leaving the way clear for "militants and troublemakers").
However, the document did give some advice to politicians like Harold Wilson, and anyone else interested in helping the forces of law and order.
They can agitate for drastic improvement in equipping the army to deal with civil disturbance with "more effective non-lethal deterrents and resources". Apparently the mb-ber bullets used in N.I. don't seem to maim and injure people enough !
And because the Armed Forces of the Crown have a "proud duty to defend the safety of the realm wherever the threat may come" the document recommended further enlargement of the Special Branch.
Tie this with Kitson's book, "Low Intensity Operations", advocating a role for the army in decision - making which could take us back to the situation in the last century when military chiefs did what they wanted, and we have a terrtfying picture. Last year, Kitson and Moss talked at a Ministry of
MARK AND KITSON
JUST GOOD FRIENDS
Defence Seminar, organised by the extra mural studies dept. at Southampton University, on Counter Insurgency (or how to control those who oppose the state).
Newsweek, January 1973, recorded typical N.I. counter-insurgency methods.
Officers would cruise around the streets in Saracens with photographs of men, picking them up and keeping those they were interested in.
Other soldiers would plant bugging devices which they monitored back at base, enabling them to quickly return to arrest any newcomers to that particular house. People who entered certain areas more than once would be routinely held for two or three hours. A remarkable similarity to police method.
In Time Out last year, Tony Smythe, of the National Council or Civil Liberties, warned; "The degree of surveillance, infiltration and the use of improper and unlawful methods, has reached terrifying proportions in this country (Brit.), and I have very good ireason for believing it ... I think people should be alerted."
Police are issued with Webley .38 hand pistols. They fire standard (Smith & Wesson) .38 bullets. The Webley has a muzzle velocity of 600 feet per second and a striking power of 190 foot pounds. It is best used on distances up to 20 yards.
Pakistanis were shot and killed | after failing to surrender their ¦ toy-gun "weapons".	¦
The SPGs also acted as re- ^ serves at demonstrations "at ; which militant elements were i thought likely to cause dis- : order". The SPG also stopped , 16,340 people on the street that : year, and stopped and searched ¦ 25,640 vehicles.	;
A national newspaper re- ' cently reported that armed ^ police tackled raidei's at a Beth-nal Green post office. It seems the myth of the brave Bobby ' carrying just his truncheon, has died for ever.
Sir Robert Mark's views on the law being too lenient are already well known. He started' his campaign to remove the right to silence and the cautioii when arresting a person, long before the Criminal Law Revision Committee hit upon the' idea.	j
The last few years have also', seen an increase in the number, of political trials especially fol-, lowing expansion of Britain's^ old conspiracy laws by the House - of Lords last summer.f These are not only directed at^ groups like the "Angry Bri-" gade" and IRA sympathisers,^, but demonstrators or squatters who occupy public or private 1 buildings can be charged withf criminal conspiracy.	f'
The right to picket has re-' ceived similar batterings wit)^' ' • the recent imprisonment of tjhe^' Shrewsbury building workers.
There are similar alarming trends in London's Metropolitan police force, which comes under the direct control of the central government.
Since Sir Robert Mark took over as Commissioner of London's police, the Special Patrol Group has been playing an increasingly important role. Sir Robert said in his report, 1972: "From mid-October until the end of the year, units patrolled central London in anticipation of possible terrorist activities".
He said one unit of the SPG were constantly armed for "protection duties". The SPG took part in the India House incident last year, when two young
Twice recently, students at: the L.S.E. have been approachei^ by police. One lot being thread tened by the "Heavy Mob" if they carried on demonstrating about Princess Anne's wedding fj and only a few days ago whenl^ police rang up the L.S.E. Con* servative Society for information about a demo, on thej pickets issue.	f
t
Recent reports in the press repeat pleas by influential bodies for the increased use oft the C.I.A. and other measures" to fight "political subversion", and "political activists" in inv dustry.	|
The iron fist and the indiscriminate boot are only jus^ around the corner.
HfcAVfcK, Feb. cth, 1^74—fage seven
BEAVER FOCUS
VIEW FROM WITHOUT-wither the British way of life? A practical enquiry
"NOTHIKG for nothing" has for centuries now been one of the cardinal principles of British philosophy. Almost every aspect of social behaviour is thus determined and the most intimate personal relationships, even "love" which is supposed to offer a contrast to it, are soloured.
It is not surprising, therefore, to see the country's international tasks and humanitarian duties so based and the performance thereupon so base. ITie irony, however, is that this simple and horrid fact is common knowledge and widely recognised as horrid and base, never mind the argument invoking "what is natural" used by the interested to justify it.
Indeed, it was the only explanation heard when discussing the reasons behind the hyper - concentration of British media on the famine disaster in Ethiopia to the almost total neglect of what is happening in the other parts of subsaharan Africa where the drought was
no less severe and the famine devastating.
But the true motive remains simple: since the dawn of colonial adventures, Britain has been trying to get through into Ethiopia without much success ! Recall, for instance, the bitter rivalry between France, Italy and Britain after the Versailles Conference to subjugate Ethiopia which led to the Italian invasion of October 2nd, 1935, Britain's refusal to apply the sanctions recommended against Italy in the report of the Committee of Six to the League of Nations and the Hoare-Laval conspiracy to divide the "Ethiopian Pie" between Britain and France.
The Ethiopian peasants, with the support of the workers of South Africa, Algeria," Tunisia, Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Iraq and Italy and the active struggle shared by the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers and progressive Negro organisations in the United States a successful war of independence was launched
against the Fascist aggression of Italy. Yet "in April 1941, after the suburbs of Addis Ababa had been cleared of Italians by Ethiopian guerrillas the capital was occupied by British forces."
"Taking advantage of the presence of their troops, the British tried to entrench themselves in Ethiopia. British forces remained there after the end of the Second World War and it was only in 1954 that the Ethiopian Government, following repeated demands, succeeded in reaching an agreement with Britain on the withdrawal of all her forces from the country." (M. V. Right).
1954 is only 20 years back. No wonder, therefore, the African countries, including Haile Selassie I's government, autocratic and semi-feudal as it is, are weary of this sudden, superficially humanitarian affection recently shown towards the now seven-year-old African famine, the famine that has been described even by a paper like "Plain Truth" as "the worst
disaster since biblical times", the famine that was kept under the carpet until it burst last summer over some Western TVs and papers ; the famine that is fast spreading like African desert fire to engulf millions more of African nomads and peasants too weak to move to towns and "camps" to receive scanty European and American conscience-cleaning alms.
The famine that has affected a third of the population in Central Africa yet failed to invoke more than £100,000 from the UK and DM750,000 from West Germany, etc, at a time when these countries know full well that S800 million which is all that the whole world has contributed, so far to this "cause" is needed for Northern Nigeria alone where four million are dyjng.
But perhaps something will come out of this £100,000. Is it surprising that Lonrho made in the first quarter of 1973-4 to the end of December over £6.14 million, an increase of between 40 per cent and 60 per cent
while it made £28.8 million in the whole of 1973 ? (West Africa, January 14th and December).
"Civilisation", however, cannot continue on such principles and the behaviour they imply. The changes this world disaster will set in motion are too large to fail in making a lasting impact on the present fabric and existing "civilisation". Either way it is time to act; it is time to call the British nation to fulfil its momentous, historical duties towards Africa and towards itself; the alternative is available.
A new situation requires a new philosophy and a new social behaviour. Simple reasoning would suffice to show that co-operation and solidarity rather than competition and callousness are the only ethos that will save mankind, and wise egoism dictates interest in the human conditions of all mankind, above all the needy in Africa, to you and your friends and colleagues: act now ; discuss and combine.
SOUTHERN AFRICA
THE ARMED STRUGGLE ADVANCES
"IT is one minute to midnight", 3 South African Bantu Affairs Minister warned a white audience recently. The equation : midnight equals black equals danger, is not new. "But why" — cynics and academics often ask — "why the panic ? South Africa has a ruthless military - industrial machine backed by the West. The liberation movement has not taken over a liberated area and there are no signs of revolution."
The answer to such questions was given by Mingas Saidy representing the Angolan Revolutionary Front at an L.S.E. meeting.
•'We must remember that in Southern Africa we are fighting an unholy alliance of Smith, Vorster, Caetano, as well as their imperialist backers — the struggle is indivisible and demands the united support of all progressives." Furthermore there are good reasons why the white regimes should be worried. In Namibia (S.W. Africa) after a massive strike against labour conditions imposed by the illegal South African regime there, freedom fighters have successfully hit at South African troops.
After the Pearce Commission fiasco, guerilla warfare has taken root in Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), against a largely South African force. In the Portuguese
colonies the N.A.T.O. armed Fascist armies ate being defeated with large areas liberated in Mozambique, Angola, and Guinea-Bissauby Fre-limo, M.P.L.A., and P.A.I.G.C. respectively.
SOUTH AFRICA — THE GROUND iS PREPARED
After the smashing of its mass organisation in 1960, the African National Congress of South Africa (A.N.C.) has pursued a policy of armed struggle as the only way the African people as a class and a nation can liberate themselves. The strength of a large urban proletariat was felt when, despite police terror, one hundred thousand workers struck last year— hence the sudden "Guardian" "disclosures" of slave' labour conditions.
Students continue to defy the racist authorities despite ban-nings and mass expulsions. Resistance to other apartheid institutions is being organised in the face of similar suppression in the Bantu homelands and by the Indian and coloured peoples. The consistent demands of these people indicate why the organised underground presence of the A.N.C. and its propaganda is seen as the greatest threat by the white regime.
A.N.C. militants continue to be imprisoned, tortured and killed. The trial of the Pretoria
Six was connected with an attempt to land armed cadres ; the Revolutionary Council of the A.N.C. assures us that the fight continues despite this setback. In spite of difficulties, the ground is being prepared so that armed struggle can take root, and as recent developments show it will surely gather momentum.
DEFEAT IMPERIALISM !
On the international front the liberation movements are getting increasing support as shown by the recent oil embargo on Southern Africa. At the organisation of African Unity and the United Nations they point to the increasing danger the white regimes represent to the inteirnational peace and African progress. Not only is Southern Africa as a' whole used as a base for the neo-colonial empires of the multi-nationals such as Anglo-American, I.T.T., etc., but South Africa, massively backed by western arms and investments has its own dangerous ambitions. That is why the movements see international solidarity as vital in the fight against imperialism and have consistently called for:
1.	isolation of the white regimes;
2.	and support both material and moral, for the progressive forces in Southern Africa.
JOHN CARNESON
Julian Brutus on anti-apartheid campaigns
CAMPAIGNS against South Africa's policy of legal racism in sport have usually received a lot of publicity due to its effectiveness.. Campaigns on the cultural front rarely make the newspapers but they have been just as effective, albeit less dramatically. But, as usual, the British are preparing to administer setbacks to both types of action.
On the cultural front. South Africa has been deprived of the Arts because of a clause in the playwrights' copyright forbidding performance of their plays before segregated audiences. The friends of South Africa in this country managed to insert a supplementary clause in the same convention allowing for the plagarisa-tion of plays. But, no doubt due to the fear of anti-apartheid demonstrations, this has neyer actually happened.
There was an interesting case when the Johannesburg Operatic Society decided to stage "Fiddler on the Roof", "Man of La Mancha" and "West Side Story." The writers' guild pressed charges, but as the case was being heard in South Africa under the auspices of the government, the writers' guild lost their case.
Margot Fonteyn, who visited South Africa in 1971, was greeted with demonstrations on her arrival there and at her departure when she left London. Admittedly, the decision to go to South Africa by an artist is a purely personal one and such personal liberties should be respected, as should the right to demonstrate against such an action. Recently, two British idols have sneaked off to sunny South Africa to make a movie called "Gold." The offenders are Roger Moore and Susan Hampshire, who did not have the courage of their convictions to make their decisions public until after the event.
The Anti-Apartheid Movement is calling on people to write to both of them (c/o Equity) telling them exactly what they think of them. A spokesman said : "Every effort should be made to ensure the maintenance of the cultural boycott which has contributed in a major sense to the isolation of South Africa."
BKAVER. Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Eight
-fV : '	.
-. ¦ \ " . 4 \ V A ¦' / / \Ka./\ '
\->W \ ;/ i.J>/



/;// /
.. m
.- • ¦)

Where does responsibi lie?
?	"MODERN communications have enabled wealthy goveri commercial undertakings to receive instant data on matters which ci throughout the world. The announcement of an important mineral fi failure of a major cash crop can be noted immediately in internation: and markets thousands of miles away. The activities of the subsiste and pastoralists in remote areas of Africa are, however, of less imr cern to the outside world. Thus it was that valuable months elapsec extent and severity of the 1972 drought became fully comprehendei might just as well have been brought to Europe by trans>Saharan ca
— (Report of the 1973 Symposium: Drouglit in Africa—School of Oriental and A University of London—I'age 4).
?	"Unco-ordinated reports of contiiniing disaster and depriration have beer ing 1973, from observers in remoter areas to the South of the Sahara, at tlic s; some relief agencies have published assurances of the adequacy of the internatia gramme."
?	"Scholars involved in the study of poorer countries have mt always b with the practical applications of their researcii. Thus it is that some .\fricai have become sceptical of the increasing stream of Resea^fch Workers who hav countries to collect data, but whose results have not always hetn put at the d countries themselves."
?	"The students had asked to see the governor to discuss the crisis in \Vr but he refused and when they demonstrated, police opened lire, killing six and unknown number of others. Investigations into why the Wollo «dministrati famine secret from the central government . . . and into the student killings, h;
—(David Martin on "Focus on .\frita." BJiC, Se
-A- "Mali's Head of State himself. Colonel Moussa Treoure said in a recen Bamako that the situation has been exploited in the 'most revolting and dislu He told me that while his government is profoundly moved by the expres.sion ol solidarity he refu.ses to accept that Mali should be presented to the vorld as a b< fellow countrymen' the president said 'should not be described as helpless fo tendency to turn the drought into a second Biafra-style press camfaign is rev should be given with discretion and without humiliating the receiver."—(Tomar —BBC. July 23rd. 1973).
?	"There have been some criticisms in Mali at the way the drought has by overseas agencies and by international press. This morning President Treoi a little on this: He talked about the exploitation of the tragedy and suggested tl should not only have accompanied the airlift and observed the cabmity from do some groundwork too. He said it had come to his attention that certain ii non-governmental institutions were exploiting the drought for private proliteerin
?	"We Malians are aware that similar instances occurred duriig the Niger ..." "U'hat deserves more credit and publicity is the co-operati«n between i by the di ought. The 'have-nots' have decided to share their poverlr and this, sa; is more impo\ tant than the donations of the 'haves.' However, a tew young r out that the other richer .African States have not sho»Ti solidarity. Only Nigeri have offered substantial aid."—(Tomar Golan. Focus—BBC, July 2ith, 1973).
Our campaign fights for an end to all this irresponsibility. It is markedly d: lieves in: (1) Solidarity not Charity; (2) Democratic Control not Bureaucratic (3) Voluntary work not administrative "Overheads"; (4) Free, unified, direct hel ting aid with strings and favours.
Long-term solutions are important but saving dying children N'OW is par
Your moral support and active participation are indispensable: Individuals unite.
SU"l'ORT THE SOLIUARITV CAMPAIGN FOR DIREtrr HKLPTO CENTRA
THE CI
Ethiopian Data Sheet
PLAGUED by a five-year drought, the Sahelian Zone, which comprises the six West African countries of Mauritania, Mali, Senegal, the Upper Volta, the Niger anci Chacl, is faced with imminent famine and near extinction of herds vital to the nomad population. Extending over some 3,000 kilometres south of the Sahara, the Sahelian desert consists of a broad belt of arid land running through the six drought-stricken countries. Millions of cattle have already perished, while an estimated third of the six countries' total population of 30 million suffer from hunger and malnutrition.
If natural forces are not enough to battle against in Ethiopia there are the man-made ones.
* There are only 800 doctors for over 20 million people, most of the doctors working in Adis Ababa servicing the rich. In 1966 University students discovered outside Adis Ababa the Shela
Concentration Camp where hundreds of Ethiopians were dying from contagious diseases ; they were imprisoned because they were poor and were considered to be an unwelcome and embarrassing sight in the capital.
*	There are over 100,000 lepers in the country.
*	Syphilis is reaching epidemic proportions.
*	There is an average life expectancy of 35 years.
*	There is a 40 per cent infant mortality rate — all in a country that is potentially one of the richest agriculturally in the world.
*	There will be little progress while 90 per cent of the land is owned by royalty and the church.
*	This lack of progress is because 60 per cent of the new liberal constitution directly relates to the Emperor's powers in all spheres. He has autocratic power to push
through or veto any legislation.
*	As long as America has over 20,000 troops keeping the feudal-fascist class in power, the Emperor will always back the status quo. American planes have been used in peasant revolts to bomb rebels and villages. Americans arm and train various anti-insurgency forces. Why are they so interested ? The Americans have an enormous tracking and spy station there.
*	Also, foreign investors are guaranteed cheap labour and maximum profits.
*	Landlords have unrestricted powers to evict tenants.
*	Rents range from 50-75 per cent Then there are Government taxes.
*	Little wonder that 150,000 are estimated dead and are being joined by 600 a day.
(Photos by United NationsV JOHN CARNESON.

0
BEAVER. Feb. 6th. 1974—Page Nine
ponsibility
led wealthy governments and on matters which concern them important mineral find or of the lately in international exchanges vities of the subsistence farmers however, of less immediate con-jable months elapsed before the I fully comprehended. The news by trans-Saharan caravan."
chool of OrienUI and African Studies.
d deprivation liave been received dur-Df the Saltan, at the same tinte that equacy of tlit international relief pro-
ries liave not always been concerned it is that some African governments a^;ch Workers who have visited their Hays been p«t at the disposal of the
discuss the msis in Wollo (Ethiopia I lied lire, killin; six and wounding an the Wollo administration kept the I the student killinRs, has begun." •cus on .Vfrici." BBC. Sept. 21st. 1973).
freoure said In a recent interview in :iost revolting and dishonest manner.' >ed b.v the eiprtssion of international ted to the world as a beggar . . . 'M.\ iescribed as helpless foots!" . . . 'The press campaign is revolting . . . aid the receiver."—iTomar Golan. Focus
: way the drought has been handled norning I'resdtnt Treoure elaborated tragedy and suggested that journalists red the calamity from the air but to ittention thai certain individuals and t for private profiteering ..."
I'urred during the .Nigerian Civil War ; co-operatioo between states affected eir poverty and this, say the .Italians, fowever, a fe» .voung militants point I solidarity. Only Nigeria and Algeria C:, July 27th, 19731.
ibility. It is markedly dilTerent; it be-ntrol not Bureaucratic Manipulation; Free, unified, direct help not humilia-
children NOtV is paramount, ispensable ; Individuals count if they
'.(T HKM' TO CENTRAL AEKK A.


CREEPING DEATH

Chris Mayout writes:

STARVATION is gripping its way into the stomach muscles of the Sahara, craving its agony deep into the heart of Africa. One man at least will be happy at the result — anthropologist Colin Turnbull of Hofstra University in the U.S.
He spent, or rather physically survived, two years with the Ik people of northern Uganda, a people slowly dying off through starvation, disease and demoralisation.
I am only sorry that so many individuals will have to die, slowly and painfully, until the end comes to them all" —that is an exact quote from his "The Mountain People" (Jonathan Cape) and presumably he means it to be taken seriously.
Trained at great expense, this anthropologist, armed with a mass of expensive equipment and a Land-Rover, set off to study his "primitive people," a people for whom the equipment he has is worth more money than they will ever see.
He brings back not a fighting denunciation of the conditions the Ik have been reduced to, but yet another addition to that unreal search for the fundamental in human life, a search that only produces worthless banalities that help no-one. Mr Turnbull well portrays the unpleasant, intimate details of the Ik becoming rather cruel to each other as they starve to death. Instead of remaining pleasant, humorous, loving people, the Ik changed into nasty, mean, wretches, snatching what they could from each other.
He tells a horrifying story. Yet steadfastly keeping what he calls his "anthropological detachment," he becomes a silent witness to mass murder, murder by imperialism and those who tolerate its effects.
People collapsed around him ; he did not realise it was from sheer hunger. Men slipped off to hunt and eat in secret ; he saw this as a strange meanness.
So much for those anthropological powers of observation he was trained to use. It took him months to see people were just hungry ! Whoever paid for his trip wasted money in more ways than one. So why did he write his book ? Was it to help us understand the issues and fight to help the Ik and millions suffering with them ? God forbid, he seems to say. "Probably the cruellest thing I could have done, a gross selfishness on my part, was to have actually given a starving child some morsels of food.
No, his desire seems to be to tell us that when humans are brought face to face with hardship, they lose their morals. Hardly a helpful or a new message. What would have helped is facts on why the Ik did not have enough food. What has brought them to this end ? But there the author falls silent. Diplomatically perhaps, for then he might have had to begin to take sides.
BE.4VER, Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Ten
I F!NANC£: LETTER FROM m PRO-DIRECTOR
Dear Mr. Hall,
FIRST may I thank your colleagues and yourself for a most interesting and informative series of meetings. As there were no outstanding points to clear up, I felt the additional meeting provisionally arranged for Monday was unnecessary and need not detain us.
As 1 indica;ted at our meetings, I have seen my task as that of considering whether, given existing restrictions especially of finance, the S.U. grant for 1973-74 can be increased ^over and above the substantial increase already made by the Director, bearing in mind the Director's statement, in his letter to the then S.U. Senior Treasurer, that the per capita grant would be "not less than" £4.80.
There has alsp	issue
of the financial ^^y^^y^^ices of •'U.D.I." in 197^	long-
term structural^	of the
method of finan^j^ 1^ S.U. As to this last	^jjpe we
may jointly	in the
course of this ai^ n^t session in collecting th^	cpncern-
ing the L.E.A.	and
examining the im^iUs^Uons and balance of	^ adopt-
ing such a syst^ ^ %ur own context. This	might
begin in the	\j^^c^tion.
As k> the per	grant, I
was impressed s^ijTje. aspects of your budgej^^ statement which would	contribute
to the better w.ej^^ o^ t^e student body and	of the School, though L to add that I fully recogj^e that the
per capita grant is a block grant. The position I have reached so far is that I intend that the per capita grant should be Wfted beyond £4.80 by an amount which, though unavoidably modest in per capita terms, will in absolute terms not be an insignificant sum.
As to the balance of the S.U. grant for 1971-72 withheld because of the decision to act outside the bounds and safeguards of the then constitution, the arguments you put forward in our discussion were, if I may say so, cogently developed. But my own considered opinion is that S.U. does not have a legal entitlement to the balance. Clearly, this is my own legal opinion on an issue which can only be resolved definitely by a court of law. But it is the
fundamental basis on which I have reached my first position in respect of this matter.
This is that, without prejudice, an ex-gratia payment should be made for the other reason pressed upon me by your team, namely, as a tangible token of goodwill and a desire that the workjng relationship which has been re-established between the School and S.U. after the regrettable incidents of the recent past should be significantly marked. The precise amount will be fixed after further consideration. It will certainly not be the whole amount, but I intend it to be something worthwhile.
This preliminary letter giving my genera) reaction as promised will be followed by a further
letter giving precise amounts. As I mentioned at the end of our third session, a paper will be laid before the Standing Committee of the Court of Governors after which a meeting of the General Purposes Committee is to be convened. Thereafter I shall draft the further letter together with a general statement. This letter is likely therefore to be ready and sent to you towards the end of the week commencing 11th February.
May I once again thank you and your colleagues for your thorough presentation and uni- , form courtesy in the give-and-take of our talks ?
Yours sincerely,
C. GRUNFELD
(Pro-Director)
LETTER FROM CANADA
BEAVER received this letter a few days ago from a Canadian student wishing to correspond with an English pen-: pal. The envelope was addressed to "Any Female Stu-; dent, Any University, London, ' England." The post office, in its usual, efficient way, added —"Try LSE."
Any offers! ?
i Hi from Canada!
I am a 21-year-old third-year psychology student at Dahousie University in Halifax, Nova Scotia. I live in Herring Cove, which is a suburb of Halifax.
I hope that from the outside of the envelope that you could figure out what this letter is about. I am looking for a penpal in London to converse across the great Atlantic. I think that this little venture could prove very interesting to both of us. The arrangement will enable me, I hope, to find out more about London.
I have never been to London but my father has been several times including World War II. He has talked about it to me and I am very interested in your country in general.
' I would appreciate if you I would please answer my letter. Upon receiving a reply I will send you further information on myself and my country'. I am very anxious to hear from you and to start writing.
Your pen-pal I hope.
I	MIKE NICHOLSON
: Apt. 8 Tribune Gt.,
Herring Gove,
Nova Scotia, ^
Canada.
! P.S.; If you do not want to bf ' my pen-pal would you please pass this letter to someone who would be.
: P.P.S.; I am a male.
The long term
benefits of a Short Service
Commission.


7/

When ) ouVe completed yoiy (;(;lucation il would seem sensible to get on with your chosen profession straight away.
"^ ou want to start earning m,9n^ and you \\ ant to get your feet on the ladd)?r. Commendable and understandable.
But you might go further and faster if you spent three years as a Short Service O)mmissioned Officer in the Army.
The maturity, confidence and judgement displayed by young men who have served • as Short Service Commissioned Officers makes them greatly sought after as executive material.
In fact, 160 leading companies paiticipate in the Confederation of British Industiy scheme for emplo\ing officers.
rhe scheme otfeis you the chance to see how \ ou like life as lui /\miy Officer for thiw ) eai s, w hile still keeping your options w ide open.
Under the scheme, ) ou will be introduced U) iui\ of the jjiuticipating compiuiies s ou choo.se. 11 vou hit it off w ith one of them you'll Ix registered as a potential emplo\ee.
Well before your time is up you'll get con-finnation that )ou actually have a job. .At the end of vour sen'ice, if you wish, we'll give \'ou a month's resettlement coui"sc.
In fact, you will have had three yeai^s young executive training at our expense.
We pay you £1,825 p.a. as soon as you complete your six months Sandhurst course tind become a Second Lieutenant. If you're a graduate we'll pay you even more, at least £2^4.5.
What's more, at the end of three yeais we'll give you .£975 tax free and wish you the very best of luck.
On the other hand, you might decide that you'd rather make a career of the Anny.
Replying to this advertisement will open up both possibilities without committing you to a thing.
So, if you're under 2() years of age, drop us a line. Tell us how you got on at school or univeraty and why you think you'd make a good Short Sewice Commissioned Officer.
Address your letter to Major J. R. Drew, Army Officer Entry, Dept.E38,Lan.sdowTie House, Berkeley Square, London W1X ()AA.
Army Officer
UNION NEWS
BEAVER. Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Eleven

PASSFIELD -BLUNDERS ON
DATELINE Tuesday, January ; 22nd — enter political orphan ¦ Rex Osborne, Stage Left, to : propose a motion that only Rent Strikers (i.e. those with money in the fund) decide when to end the aforesaid R.S. Exciting Hall President, Love Ber-nie called for a vote and no discussion, So it came to pass that Passfield came to own a runaway R.S.
Mr Osborne later said, "I am a politician, not a democrat; my job is to see the R.S. through." Good on you Adolf. It's been noticeable that the principal of democracy is at times pragmatically prostituted. Mr Osborne further destroyed any pretensions of being an able politician, when he opposed the spread of votes on the various Passfield committees to any Passheld student. "It'll lead to blocking" . . and we'll loose.
The prime objects of democracy are involvement; majority decision, and political debate. Why? So that all participate, put their views, are informed why they win or loose, and abide by (one hopes), the rational decisions of the majority. R. Osborne's attempts to limit the various P. comm's. voting powers to only comm. members, is a direct violation of the principles that lead to vigorous political debate.
If the "right" are going to paclc meetings, the answer is to mobilise the "left" in order that a strenuous dialogue is achieved : it is no answer to ban the "right" in order that senile mumblings can take place and not be challenged. By disenfranchising, one removes partici-
pation whose place is taken by that old Union friend and playmate, apathy.
Mr Osborne's attempt to anaesthetise the R.S. situation will lead to the familiar dichotomy of a majority of apathetic uninvolved students yawning at the frantic isolated self-cas-trated "left" activists. The essence of popular support is that the populous have control over the thing they support.
Mr Osborne's answer would be, that to not anaethetise the situation would lead to the possibility that the R.S. could be called off. A possibility — but if that happens, it is not a defeat ; it's part of a learning process that individualistic politicians ("my job") are at pains to avoid noticing. The message would be, "A R.S. allied to those particular aims is not a sound weapon." An alterna-
tive must be sought. But political dinosaurs blunder on pushing a bankrupt policy with the consequence that politics itself is discredited.
Any Union meeting demonstrates this and further reveals the weakness of individualistic politicians. They are incapable of picking up feedback from the mass of students, mainly because they have destroyed the channels of communication.
Until the emphasis shifts to a group approach (what do you want ?) and away from individualistic dictation (my Job), people like Rex will lead his small band of biplane flying followers against the mass of missiles, jets and antimatter ray-guns.
No doubt this will be seen as an attack, not as a contribution to an education debate.
PETER TIMMINS
¦¦ ,¦ ¦¦ ¦
CLEANERS RUN THE LIBRARY?
WELL, what the hell is it for ? What about it being a place where backup information is available for education. What about it being a place where work can be worked upon. Simple isn't it ?
All it means is that the relevant material is available and there is an efficient retrieval service. All it means is that there are enough places to study, it's quiet enough to study, and you have enough time in which to study. What could be easier than that ?
Yet what about the way the L.S.E. library is run ?
First, the buying policy is not related to educational needs, let alone course needs.
Second, there seems to be a lot of books. Don't films and recoi'ds count ? And third, some items are very hard to get hold of, even if they are there. The plea here is lack of space.
O.K. we'll have to wait until the new library. Or will we ? Why do the people who bind the journals seemingly take a year to do so ? And why do certain people have permanent loan facilities ?
But on to the fourth ; wait until the N.L. for the extra places to appear. Number five, come forth. But don't make as much noise as Houghton Street. I wonder if that's whj' it's never quiet in there ?
Now for the last one. Why are the opening/closing times 10 to 9.20 ? Because of the cleaners ? Why shouldn't they be from 8 to 12 ? Most home facilities are bad. Working there is, at the least, difficult. The time spent waiting for the library to open and being slung out with nowhere to go is immense.
No doubt the institutional answer is that the staff won't work from 8 to 1-2. Couldn't the Union organise student? to man the entrance desk from 8 to 10 and from 9 to 12 ? Will the librai'y write to "Beaver" and comment ? Will the Executive do anything ? another questionmark.....
PETER TtMMINS.






JOIN THE RENT STRIKE
HOUGHTON STREET
THE closure of Houghton Street to through traffic has been one of those burning issues which crop up in Union intermittently over the years. The scheme was vetoed by Westminster City Council last year and so no one took much notice when many of the candidates in l^t year's elections included proposals for the quieter and fumeless future of Houghton Street in their manifestoes.
Therefore it was a great surprise when External Affairs Exec, member, Paul Cockerell, -announced to a Union Meeting last term that negotiations with Westminster Council over Houghton Street had been concluded and a plan for closure agreed upon.
PAVING PLAN
The plan is to pave over Houghton Street from just past the entrance to the Old Building to the entrance to the garage in the Clare Market Building, a distance of some 30 feet. This will leave Houghton Street and Clare Market as cul-de-sacs. No more of the street can be closed, however, because access is required for fuel deliveries to the School and surrounding buildings, which are no less important than bullion deliveries to the Bank and essential supplies to the bar.
APPROVAL REQUIRED
However, work has not yet started nor is it likely to in the near future. Whatever the feelings of Westminster Council, the plan requires the approval of the Department of the Environment under the Town and Country Planning Act— and not only is the D.o.E. noted for the slowness of its decision-taking, but also for the impossibility of finding the right office to make our representations to.
PETER CAPPEL.
SIGHS, GROANS, MOANS
BROAD LEFT, while not complacent about the amount of work already done by the present Executive finds itself in rather a "WE TOLD YOU SO !" position. In our manifesto we tried to make it abundantly clear that L.S.E. Union would never become the strong and elective force that we all desire without Sabbatical Officers.
It is strange that at a time when the need for them has never been more apparent, that the mere mention of t4iese two words should produce SIGHS, GROANS and MOANS and even YAWNS.
Yes, it has been brought up before and it will be brought up again. We make no apologies for this, for we are determined to see L.S.E. Union strengthened.
Broad Left considers that the posts of General Secretary and
Senior Treasurer MUST be sabbatical in view of the extremely large workload involved in doing these jobs properly. Julian Hall, our present non-sabbatical Senior Treasurer has put in a lot of work and even given up a large proportion of his vacation to try and tackle the work in hand.
Even this has not been sufficient to tackle everything — notably the changeover to the L.E.A. System. Has the Union the right to demand that a student give up not only academic work, but also vacation time to do a job which it apparently so grossly underestimates ?
As regards the post of General Secretary, the job involves sitting on just about every committee there is, interviewing and arranging interviews for applicants for Union Posts, publicity, arranging Freshers' Conferences, liaison with Union
Staff, etc., etc., etc. . . . Does Union seriously believe this can be done by a student with academic commitments ?
It is difficult to understand the objections to sabbatical officers —other than a plain desire to keep Union as weak as possible. No amount of political rhetoric at Union Meetings can replace having time to get down to hard slog on the major issues confronting our Union.
Oh yes, we've heard it all before; costs money, concentrates power—all this banal bullshit.
The money as we all know because it is based on a student grant is miserable, and can anyone HONESTLY envisage L.S.E. Union floor allowing a Machiavellian Sabbatical to run rough-, shod over them ?
ALASTAIR DOE PAUL GOOKERELL
BEAVER, Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Twelve
REVIEWS REVIEWS REVIEWS REVIEWS REVIEWS REVIEWS REVIEWS
JOHN LENNON-MInd Games RINGO STARR-Ringo BUFFALO SPRINGFIELD
THERE are no surprises on the new John Lennon L.P. He still writes of his personal philosophy and he is still hung up on Yoko. Most of the music is like "Imagine" and "Power to the People" or somewhere in between.
Judging from Lennon's solo efforts, he must have been responsible for most of the love songs the Beatles did. "I'm Sorry", "One Day" and "You are Here" are romantic ballads. All of them centred on Yoko, all very pleasant. But I think they would be even better if he cut out the girly voices in the chorus and didn't try to sing in a high voice that borders on falsetto.
Lennon still produces lines like: "Only people know how to change the world", and "I want you to make love not war, I know you've heard it all before". On religion : "We don't care where you're from or where you're going. All we know is that you came". Sure we've heard it all before. But if, like Lennon, you've evolved a philosophy, it doesn't matter if you repeat yourself trying to communicate it to others.
I like all the lyrics, he writes songs that are very personal and honest. In common with some of the greatest musicians, he uses his art as a vehicle for self-exploration and self-expression. My personal favourites are "Out The Blue" and "Freda People".
"Tight As", a song about sex and "Meat City", a satire on the States are among the rock numbers. That is, the songs that have a heavy bass line and a persistent rhythm. The resemblance to "Power to the People" makes these numbers almost boring. But this album should really please Lennon fans.
RiNGO: THIS JUST ....
This just has to be the greatest failure in showbiz since "Casino Royale". I have to compare this record to a movie because never before in the history of music has there been such as example of talent unfulfilled.
A record that boasts all the Beatles, Billy Preston, Nicky Hopkins and appearances by The Band (to name but a few),
should contain some good music.
But "Ringo" manages not to.
This is partly due to a manifest lack tof togetherness among the musicians and partly to the pathetic songs they perform.
The song penned by Lennon is one of his most egocentric, most abrasive, ever. The one penned by McCartney demonstrates his capabilities for writing sweet,
teenybopper slush. I can't find sujjerlatives to describe Ringo's amysmal lack of musical imagination. And the guy can's sing for shit. The over-all effect is one of jumped-up pop
ELECTRA GLIDE IN BLUE PETER HAIN
''Greatest failure in showbiz"
The album cover contains all the lyrics and^llustrations to go with them, but Klaus Voorman's drawings are not up to his usual standard. There's nothing good about this L.P. To leave a sick taste in your mouth, the record ends with a casual monologue that finishes; "This is your friend, and mine, Ringo Starr wishing you gocklbye."
BUFFALO; THE GROUP...
This L.P. has just been released tnit none of the songs on it is new; they're all a part of history. Here we have twenty-three songs by a group of young musicians who all became superstars after the break-up ot Springfield.
The group consisted of Neil Young, Stephen Stills, Richie Furay, Bruce Palmer, Jim Messina and Dewey Martin. Part of the reason they newer made the "big time" with this format is because they refused to be tied to folk-rock, country, blues, soul or straight commercial ballads at a time when most groups were specialists in one of these fields. Instead, all the songs are combinations of each of these styles in varying degrees, a result of having musicians that were expert individualists but concentrated instead on making music that complemented each other. Each song is a self-contained entity that is as near perfect as possible. The harmonies are simply THE best I have ever heard.
The sleeve notes say of "Kind Woman": "Ahead of its time . . . maintains a precarious line between sentiment and real gush". In other words, so inspired, advanced and so beautifully sad that it almost hurts. "For What Its Worth" is a protest song that is as lyrical as it is a valid complaint of the younger generation against uncompromising authority in the form of the riot squad in America. "Expecting to Fly" is a brilliant musical construction period.
London Pavilion, Piccadilly Circus-
OFFICER JOHN WINTERGREEN (ROBERT BLAKE) loathes the dirty work of scorching his Electra Glide Harley Davidson along the Arizona desert highways with his hippy-harassing partner Zipper (BILLY "GREEN" BUSH) — he'd rather be with the stet-soned, fancy-suited sharpies of the Homicide division. Finally succeeding through a show of inspiration which turns an assumed suicide into a murder investigation, his day-long experience under brutal detective, Harve Poole (MITCHELL RYAN) proves no more inspiring. Harve might be hard-hitting with commune-dwellers, but a powerful encounter wither their mutual girlfriend Jolene (JEANNINE RILEY) reveals his impotence, and John finds himself returned to leather and helmet.
The reunited John and Zipper spot the prime murder suspect Zemko (PETER CETERA) in a convoy of long-haired motorcyclists, which very conveniently provides material for the inevitable chase and the horrific scenes we have all come to expect and relish in this type of film. Spot one unsaddled rider apparently cut in half by an oncoming car. This is the last time we see Zipper the ruthless before his entirely unconvincing change in character. Downtown, Zemko is interrogated in the manner to be expected of Harve, whose bigotry prompts Wintergreen to uncover the real killer. Cornily, Wintergreen's decency ultimately leads to his downfall.
Whether "Electra Glide" deserves the success its reputation could well bring is debatable. Guercio's music is quite outstanding, but the weak storyline leaves at least two questions unanswered, and the murder inquiry is so lacking in mystery that it becomes only incidental. The frightening nature of the U.S. police in their relations with disaffected youth is as starkly unoriginal a theme as the usage of slow-motion goriness. Perhaps "Time Out" will find the film "poignant" and "meaningful", but since neither quality marries well with predictability, I cannot be so sure.
. D.S
ENTER THE DRAGON
(Starring BRUCE LEE)
If any of these songs are new to you, consider yourself culturally deprived and rectify your awareness of the world immediately ! You'll be really glad you bought this for it contains the best Singing Young has ever done and the writing that earned him the reputation of being "the true poet of rock".
JULIAN-
THE inscrutable orient has provided several important additions to the western way of life recently — yoga, Barry Mac-Kenzie, and perhaps the most important, the martial arts: judo, karate, kung fu, etc. i wasn't at all interested until I was told that Bruce Lee had a philosophy degree from UCLA, and only beats up people who deserve it, in accordance with Rawl's theory of justice. Instead, all I saw was a cross between "Beano's" "Billy the Cat", and. a Centurion tank, with a rather interesting development on Garry Glitter's way of shaking his head.
Actually, I don't know how to strike the right moralistic note in saying how disgusting I found this him. There's a lot of explicit killing with bare hands,
FINGERS
HE had never seen his finger,
not really
He imagined they were where they were supposed to be.
He wrote with them.
He ate with them.
He felt with them not the same
as feeling with his mind
but they touched and he saw.
And when one afternoon sometime in his 23rd year
he looked at them the way he looked
at any other thing
making an account of what he saw
He knew at once they weren't his.
DAVID JAFFI'N
which was meant to be justified by the goodness of the goodies, and the badness of the baddies.
However, with a plot which did not reach "Man from Uncle" standards, no moral truths sank in. Also, people say that oriental fighting schools have very strict, and religious codes of fairness, which is o.k., but this was not brought out in this film. It was a very western production, for a western market, who sat pissin' himself laffing, forgetting that death should be a serious occasion in anybody's Mfe.
COLIN MORLEY
(Radical Liberalism and Youth
Politics)
THE title of this pamphlet is rather misleading. Radical Literalism is nothing more adventurous and new than the re-iteration of the need to give more power over local affairs to the local communities. And "Youth Politics" is only mentioned in terms of a brief outline of its history (and demise), and how radical student politicians should be co-ordinated with the Liberal Party to provide an alternative to the present political system.
Like a true Liberal, the author charts a middle course and desires the best of two incompatible worlds. On the one hand he says that the Liberal Party should keep putting up MPs, because "If representatives are continually being thrown up, the time may come when the demands of community power coincide with the aspirations of those holding office." And on the other hand, he claims that the Liberal Party should not work with the system because it stands very little chance of taking on either of the two major parties and that it should present an alternative that is totally different from the programmes put forward by Labour or Conservative.
Young radicals are certain to concentrate more on domestic and community issues than international questions . . . the real social change will only begin to occur when action is taken on those questions which affect people most immediately." Hain cites as successes in this sphere-the Claimants Unions and the squatters. And that is all very well, but it is a long way from what he believes community power will ultimately achieve. "Poverty is essentially a product of power-lessness and it will only be eliminated with an egalitarian distribution of power."
Community action is likely to better the lot of particular groups but is hardly likely to solve the serious problem of distribution of income, which, after all, is the real problem.
The problems of our society will ultimately be solved by co-operation on a total scale. But in the meantime, there is no point in a handful of people trying to do what it requires EVERYONE to achieve. So, a liberal attitude though it may be, community action should be suppported.
JULIAN BRUTUS-
A
Bestial sexual fantasies of a Psychopath
I HAD a dream the other night.
i dreamt of L.S.E. painted all different colours, of Houghton Street blocked off to murderous taxis and the heavy vans of W. H. Smug and the "Evening Stand-up"; of flowers and trees growing where the road had been, and no—yes—no—concrete sitting dirty in the festering rain.
I dreamt of Union Meetings jammed full of people and eccentrics like it used to be; of an L.S.E. where everybody knew what E.C. stood for and what it was up to, and where the E.C. had some good ideas as well; of a place where lonely pftople had actually heard of the free coffee and conversation in the Community Room.
I dreamt of a Florrie's Extension with murals on the walls, and which didn't remind me of the decaying waiting room at a little-used railway station.
I dreamt of a refectory which didn't look like a pigsty during feeding-time; of a refectory with room for your mouth to chew; of a refectory where they served up . . . food.
I dreamt of a floor^plan of L.S.E., prepared for freshers and urban guerillas; of duplicating machines that weren't "Out of Order"; of a kitchen for those who wanted to cook; of a crashpad Tor those who wanted to crash; of a criche for babies.
I dreamt of an adequate grant for the Union; of decent facilities for the Union Shop; of a living wage for students.
I dreamt of the destruction of the Graduate and Senicr Common Rooms, and the building of another "Shaw Library" for people into rock.
I dreamt of plants hanging from the terraces where we drink our coffee in the summer; I dreamt of roof-gardens that they never had in Babylon.
I dreamt of peaceful people selling hand-made bijoux in the passages; of ConSoc going down the mines en bloc; of a sauna bath.
I dreamt of a Public Address system to let people know what's happening; of lecturers who cared about L.S.E. and not about grovelling before telly producers; of lecturers at a school for the human sciences who cared about humanity.
I dreamt of students who knew what they wanted and made sure they got it.
I dreamt of Mr Adams, Herr Dahrendorf and 3,000 lumps of apathetic blubber, and then I woke up.
NUTCASE
BEAVER, Feb. Bth, 1974—Page Thirteen
REVIEWS . . REVIEWS
4» <»
JACK THE LAD
I (LS.E. Lunch-hour Concert)
THE decision whether to plump for a refectory lunch, or to taste Jack the Lad was not a difficult one, the group turned out to be both more digestible and satisfying than an L.S..E lunch. The group, which contains Messrs Cowe, Laidlaw and Clements (from the old Lindisfarne) has yet to write a real goody like "Fog On the Tyne". Both their old single "One More Dance' 'and their new one "Why Can't I Be Satisfied"—which they played—are very mediocre. They play fewer Lindisfarne songs than they did last year and many of tHe numbers they play integrate the group verj' well.
At certain points, however, notably at instrumental change-overs, Ray Laidlaw, on drums, seemed to be the only member keeping it together. The highpoints were undoubtedly the instru-mentals. They began with a jig which was well played, but the one that got everyone going was good old "Captain Pugwash" brilliantly played on mandolins and bass guitar. (A collection at the end of the concert raised £25.81 for the Central African Relief
R.J.C.
LSE ENTERTAINMENTS
SAT., FEBRUARY 16tli ot 7.45
A rare appearance of
PETER HAMMILL
plus : BEBOP DELUX (70p)
Sat., March 2nd at 7.45
Pete Bardens CAMEL
plus COAST ROAD DRIVE - (50p) _
Sat., March 9th, at 7.45
THE SHARKS
plus JACK STRAW (60p)
. ^ DISCO & BAR with all Concerts. Advance Tickets available from the Union Shop.
THIS FRIDAY : A N G E (Old Theatre, t .00 ¦ 2.00)
ENTS. COMMIHEE MEETINGS are held every Thursday luflchtime (1.00-2:00). Help always needed. Drop into Ents. Room S.I 18 any time._
Forthcoming attraction : GEORGE MELLY. Outside Ents. include:
TONY ROSE. Feb. 8th, 8.00. Guys Hospital. AL STEWART. Feb. 14th. King's College. JAKE THACKERAY. Feb. 28th. King's College.
THE WATER AND THE FISH
(WIRIYAMU BY ADRIAN HASTINGS)
This is not an easy book to read and I do not mean that it is badly written. It is a distressing book, it is an angry book. But above all it is a book filled with Christian compassion, for the.dead, the wounded and the survivors.
Antonio is 15 years old. He is now living somewhere in the bush and has no family since the death of his five-year-old brother Domingos. Antonio used to live at Chawola. This book is a catalogue of human misery and it is difficult to know where to begin. I have no experience by which I can make comparisons of what happened that December 16th in the Mucumbura area of Tete Province, Mozambique. That day three African villages—^Wiriyamu, Chawola and Guwau—were destroyed by the Portuguese army. These events were well publicised at the time of Dr. Caetano's visit to Britain last June, but as this book makes clear they were not unsubstantiated rumours, and worse they were not isolated incidents.
(L.S.E. Saturday Night Concert)
AFTER some delay, Wolf took the stage and immediately tore into an incredibly fast number called "The Ache" and the virtuosity of each musician was immediately apparent. Darryl Way (ex-Curved Air) is undoubtedly rock's finest fiddler, and his violin, viola, and moog playing was one of the highspots of the evening. The classical leaning of the band soon became obvious as they moved through a couple of new numbers and others like "Cadenza" and "Saturation PointThe climax of the set came with a rendering of the old Curved Air favouri.te "Vivaldi" where Darryl explores the range of tones and sounds available on the electric violin. The band left the stage to a loud cheer and much shouting for an encore.
The audience was not disappointed as John Etheridge, the guitarist proceeded .to dazzle everyone with some guitar trickery, then the rhythm section c^me on to jam and spontaneously moved into an old Shadows number, "Apache." Darryl Way joined the band and they moved into a forceful rendering of "Isolation Waltz" from their first album and were joined by Sandgate's pianist who jammed along on the moog. A fine set from a fine band wdth an impressive light show. However, where were pieces like "Toy Symphony" and "Game of X" which are by far the best pieces on the new album ?
- _R.R.
FOLK (L.S.E. Music Soc. Lunchtime Concert)
AN interesU^ array ,of folk songs and music was presented by: Joy Hyman (gu'itar, piano, vocals), Jennifer Rice (guitar, vocals) and Graham Preskett (niandolin, bo'uzouki, fiddle). All the songs were traditional and many had been collected on their travels. The two vocalists were excellent and blended perfectly in songs from all over the world ranging from "Those Were The Days," sung in the original Russian with some as^st-ance from the audience, to the famous "Guantanamera," which w^ a good arrangement with two voices, guitars and the mandolin for backing. Graharn Preskett showed what an excellent musician he is when he played some Irish jigs and an amusing gypsy piece on his fiddle. All in all, they were an interesting and excellent groi^J. I reckon they scored a good 95 on the old Clapometer, 'they were good, and I mean that most sincerely friends. •;	•
R.J.C.
MORE WIRIYAMUS
Nearly 100 Catholic priests have been expelled from Mozambique because of their protests against Portuguese brutality. The White Fathers, a renowned missionary society, have withdrawn from Mozambique because the oppression of the Portuguese Government has made it impossible, in all conscience, to continue with their missionary work.
The Portuguese have carried their butchery out throughout Tete, as this book points out. We have all heard of Wiriyamu, but what of Catacha, and Kapinga, Mahanda, Antonia, Guv-anseve, Kamperberumbe, Karuvi, Traquine, De-veteve, Singa, Buxo and other villages up to Mahanda? Who knows of David, the son of George, who was shot dead and whose hands and feet were then cut oft by Rhodesian troops operating with l^ortuguese consent in Mozambique ? Who knows of Majuana, burnt to death in her hut because she could not walk? Where does this catalogue of misery end ? For Adrian Hastings the answer is that whilst the Portuguese maintain their oppression it will not end. Wiriyamu was a symptom of a fascist state.
But none of this explains why the book is a remarkable document—a total indictment of the criminality of Portuguese colonialism. It is not a propaganda statement put out by Frelimo. It is an account, painstakingly assembled by the Catholic priests of the disaster that has overtaken the peoples of Mucumbura. These priests do not have a political axe to grind. In fact they are tied to the State by Concordat and Missionary Agreement so strict that, as the book says, they have sold the Christian message for 'a mess of pottage.' Many of them receive their money from the State. But their loyalty to God has made them speak out in tones of indignant, but calm protest about the atrocities taking place in their parishes.
THE CHALLENGE
All the statements made have been verified since the initial revelations by other sources, both within the Catholic church and outside it. The missionaries have assembled the names of the dead (where possible) as well as the numbers killed in village after village. T^ey have listed the age of the victims. Sometimes they can tell of the manner in which they died. •
Rhodesian and Portuguese troops share the responsibility for the crimes committed in Mucumbura. But it could be argued that these people were Frelimo guerrillas, so the missionaries issued a challenge—if these people (old men, women and children) were Frelimo guerrillas, let it be proved. Why have the murderei-s tried to hide their tracks? Some of the dead were even known to be friends of Portuguese colonialism, but the Portuguese secret police had given orders to kill them all on that December 16th.
TORTURES
It could be argued that atrocity stories like Wiriyamu had been heard before, but never so soon after the events, recounted as they are by independent witnesses. As this book makes clear, Wiriyamu is not an isolated incident. At Machava prison, Pastor Manganhela, a.i internationally respected member of the Presbyterian Church, was tortured so badly that he committed suicide. As the author points out, who knows how many non-human wrecks, castrated, maimed, mentally destroyed, inhabit the cells of Machava ? The book cites too many examples of brutality for the mind to sustain, yet it is an honest book.
THE GOOD SAMARITAN
A most remarkable part of the book is the attempt to assess the true Christian reaction to this. The priests are never in doubt. One says that in this situation the only place for a Christian is gaol. Throughout the book they reject the Concordat which makes the Catholic church an arm of Portuguese colonialism. They do not hesitate to point out that it is Western Capitalism that is sustaining this bloody regime in Mozambique. Adrian Hastings reminds us of the parable of the good Samaritan.
"Where today is oiir neighbour ? Where today the man who has fallen among thieves? Where today the priest and the levlte — the bishops, the devout religious people—who have passed by on the other side ? He is in many places but I can tell you one of them. It is Southern Africa—in the Republic of South Africa, in Mozambique, Angola and Rhodesia." They declare it a Christian duty not to pass on the other side.
1 will never forget the description of Wiriyamu and the Portuguese rationale for this act of barbarism. It is this. The villages bear the same relationship to the guerrillas as water to the fish. Destroy the water and the fish cannot live. Or as was ordered at Wiriyamu on December 16th, 1972, "Kill them all."
D. KENVYN,
FROST
You can tell me that nothing moves.
Your voice cuts the angles
this silence is sharp
the claws of birds held fast
to the numbness of sound
closing the roots.
D. JAFFIN.
BEAVER, Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Fourteen
ANARCHISTS
IN the debate about education at LSE, I would like to state the case for anarchism; which is I think, far closer to the needs of students than the other critiques.
For anarchists, the best way of understanding an idea is to have experience of defending it in arguments. Thus, if you want to understand Tory ideas better to attack them, try defending Powell to the death, and forget that you argued for socialism with the same person, yesterday.
This method has two advantages :
(1) It is more rational and scientific than the normal ideological or dogmatic approaches, for you can feel the emotional basis of other ideas better, and get a
more objective view of ideas you would normally defend, when attacking them.
(2) It is more satisfying — instead of saying things you think you ought to say, you can say what you feel like saying.
Most "rational" people seem to think it a crime to change their mind, and although they should know there are contradictions in any set of political ideas, they still only advocate one set. Their "rationality" consists of religiously pretending that all their ideas are consistent with each other, and Marxists won't try Tory ideas, or vice versa, because they have no faith in the truth of their ideas—they are afraid they'll change their minds. '
TAKING THE RATIONAL OUT OF EDUCA TION
This so-called rationalism is therefore always based on an emotional preference, which cannot be rationally justified. Moreover, very few will ever admit this, but pretend that their ideas hav^ solid foundations, even though they feel they have sinned — committed sacrilege if they allow a heretical idea to pass their lips.
This attitude turns human-beings into automatons — imperfect replicas of machines that could churn out the "correct" ideas of any doctrine in the right order.
Why should everybody think of you as an imperfect copy of an ideal Liberal, Marxist,
straight or freak ? Make them think of you as an individual, not just as part of a percentage ; as a loyal follower, or as a poor misguided member of the opposition.
Being an .intellectual can be a pleasure, . instead of the "discipline" th^t the educational system, and'many of its critics would prefer. Let the perverts use intellectual leather jockstraps, and academic furry whips. Don't let them use them on you.
Confuse and disrupt! Argue for what you like, when you like. When your favourite academic, or other dogmatist says your
latest idea is the opposite of your previous idea, you can argue that it is not, or say "so .what". If he starts ignoring you, become the most devoted adherent possible of his Ideas. When he takes you for granted, try arguing for something he hates, using his own arguments. (The anarchist's favourite pastime is to confuse rationalists by inventing compelling reasons for unreasonable doctrines — Paul Feyerabend). When you discover an interesting idea, become a fanatical propagandist for it, argue the opposite, or keep it to yourself.
DO WHAT YOU LIKE!
COLIN MORLEY.
SNIDELINES
MY MEMORY must be malfunctioning in old age. I am almost certain that our once-topical Ph.D. student Arianna Stassinopoulos when guest speaker at a Sociology Society meeting last term claimed she had taken legal advice over a scurrilous allegation by "Private Eye" to the effect that there were shady dealings involving the now-defunct Greek regime over her entrance to Girton College, Cambridge. The outcome, I seem to recall her mentioning, was that Lord Gnome had agreed to make financial amends. Why then should Richard Ingrams assure me that "the story about £3,000 compensation is quite untrue ?
I HEAR that pleasant Mr Griffiths of the Economics Department has been selected as prospective Conservative candidate for Blyth. Blyth was Lord Robens' seat until his appointment to Deputy : Chairman of the Coal Board in 1960. Since 1950, Labour's majority j in this constituency has wavered between forty-six and fifty-six i per cent. The present member, Mr E. J. Milne (Lab.) had a i majority of 48.4 per cent in 1970. Good luck, Mr Griffiths !	j
I AND my colleagues on "Beaver" sincerely hope that Mr David i Robertson, the proletarian president of our mighty Conservative ! Society did not besmirch the name of the School nor affront their i guest, dear old Sir Alec, by using the wrong items of cutlery at | their ceremonial dinner on January 23rd at the Cafe Royal, a , pretentious eatery somewhere in Soho.	|
INFORMATION FOR THIS COLUMN FROM STUDENTS OR ! STAFF, ESPECIALLY FROM STAFF, ABOUT OTHER STAFF i OR PROMINENT STUDENTS, AGAIN ESPECIALLY STAFF, i WOULD BE EXTREMELY WELCOME. SOCIAL CHIT-CHAT IS ! SADLY NEGLECTED IN "BEAVER". ALL CONTRIBUTIONS, i PREFERERABY IN SEALED ENVELOPE, TO "SNIDELINES", ! "BEAVER", S116. NASTY ONES PARTICULARLY APPRE- j CIATED. CONFIDENTIALITY ASSURED.
JESUIT FUGITIVE TO VISIT
FREE TO LOVE THE LS.E.
From:
AMERICA IS HARD TO FIND'
IF you're 18 in this country you can vote for a government or fight in the army; but you can't make love. Not if you're gay that is.
That's why we have a Gay Society here in London, so that all the "freaks", male and female can get together and learn about themselves and how to fight to survive.
"Power to the limp wrist", I hear you mumbling. Well you're wrong because come the revolution it will be you that they're laughing at. You the cube who doesn't know about sex, who thinks there's only one sort.
Well friend, you're in for a surprise because there's us as well.
Us, the ones you call "queer"; us, the ones who have always been here; us, the ones who demand equality with you.
Maybe you understand what I'm trying to say; if so, why don't you come and help us? It doesn't matter whether you're gay or straight. vBe with us and let's make sure that everyone is free to love.
WANDA GOLDWAG,
LSE Gay Culture Society.
THE COOKS RECIPE
—OR HOW THE L.S.E. FEEDS RESIDENT STUDENTS ON £1.25 A WEEK
TAKE one moderate student in your left hand. (Most healthy students are so inclined).
In your right hand (the administrative mawler), place £1.25. Now, after muttering the magic words 'Passfield Hall", so the left hand does not know what the right hand is doing, convert the loot into FOOD.
Clap hands for a week.
You will now be left with an emaciated student and no food. In fact, before the end of the week you may run out of food. But do not fret. Do not worry. The LSE has a wonderful Health Service.
PETER TiMMINS
FR DANIEL BERRIGAN, poet, Jesuit priest, war-resister and fugitive from injustice, will be visiting L.S.E. on Monday, February 11th and speaking at 7.30 p.m. in the Old Theatre on "THE NATION-STATE".
He and his bi'other Philip were the leaders of the celebrated CATONS-VILLE NINE, sentenced for their part in burning draft records with homemade napalm. "We, American citizens", they said, "destroy these draft records not only because they exploit our young men, but because they represent misplaced power concentrated in the ruling class of America. ..."
Since the end of the Vietnam war, against which he - campaigned constantly, even after he was imprisoned, he has concentrated on resisting the power of State Bureaucracy, the "Beast", and the War Machine. He is still out on parole from Danbury Federal Prison.
Proceeds from tickets for this meeting will go to the L.S.E. Amnesty Group and the prisoners of conscience it is supporting. (One of them, in Bangladesh, has recently been released : another, in Zimbabwe, has a large family which needs support from us).
G.D.
DAN BERRIGAN, 1973
MEN are enclosed in the capsule of events and understanding. And events have a profound
and subtle way of exerting moral change : the pressure of wind on the rhythms and stance of a tree, of water upon stone. Prior strength is no guarantee against erosion, crun blir.g death.
Thus, the "Jewish question" raised by Hitler is
to dccent men no question at all. Yet because it was pushed hard and fast it took on the sophistic and squalid legitimacy he sought.
What had been in normal times the edgy domain of cranks suddenly became the hot potato Cf serious political and (even) theological debate.
Should Jews be allowed to exist ? (Should Blacks be allowed?) Rubbishy times create a mountain of rubbishy questions.
It is the ecological image of Eliot's "distracted
from distraction by distraction . . In such times, key questions of decency, justice, peace,
the sharing of the world's goods, are lost at the bottom of a cosmic drop.
A momentous eff6rt of burning, sifting and removal, if ever the real questions are to be rescued from the wreckers!
BEAVER, Feb. 6th, 1974—Page Fifteeit
X-COUNTRY CHAMPIONS


i
FIRST presented in 1939, the Tyrian Challenge Trophy, or "Colleges Cup" as it is better known, has only even been won once before by L.S.E. That was in 1970, and it took a team which included Scottish international Doug Gunstone to achieve what had been eluding L.S.E. for over 30 years.
At this time last season with all the members of that team long since departed or absent, it looked as though another 30 years would elapse before the cup returned to us. But returned it has and largely due to the arrival of two excellent runners. Martin Knapp and Andy Crompton. Martin (on a two-year M.Scj came to us from Sheffield University, where he captained their Cross-Country team. Not only is he our top runner, but in the five-mile championship race over Parliament Hill Fields on December 8th, he finished first, nearly a minute clear of the next man to establish himself convincingly as London Universi^v's number one. With it he won a cup and individual first place medal for himself. Martin, however, also a member of the Sussex County team, would not on his own have been enough.

Andy Crompton
l» ^






Start of London University Cross-country Championships.
It was the return of Andy Crompton to complete his B.Sc. Econ. after a year's absence which really clinched it. Despite not being fully fit and running below his best, he still came fourth, a position he has achieved twice previously. Although pipped yet a?ain for one of the individual medals that go to the first three finishers, he collected his second First Team medal to add to the other he won in 1970. It is certainly no coincidence that Andy was a member of both our cup winning teams. Even with two of London University's top runners running for us the race was still no formality. Unable up to now to field a full-strength first team and imder the psychological handicap of havine been beaten several times previously this season by our two main rivals, St Bartholomew s Hospital and floyal Vets College, it threatened to be very close. But with the rest of the team being completed by Pi'iedrich Breyer, our champion steeplechaser fjom Berlin; Pete Foster, our Captain ; Nigel Zonena and Bob Gledhlll, our very capable secretary, we pulled off a verj- convincing win after a tough race in cold, wet and muddy conditions. Medals were awarded to our six first team runners with five to score.
University of London Individual Positions:
M. Knapp .................. 26min.	53sec.	1
A. Crompton ............... 28mm.	42sec.	4
F. Breyer ..................... 30min.	06sec.	10
P. Poster ..................... 30min.	23sec.	13
N. Zonena .................. 30min.	30sec.	14
R. Gledhill .................. 31min.	47sec.	22
N. Archer .................. 32min.	57sec.	26
T. Lane ..................... 34min.	39sec.	31
T. Kaufman ............... 36min.	24sec.	37
H.	Braun ..................... 36min.	25sec.	38
P. Morgan .................. 37min.	55sec.	41
61 ran. including past members of the University.
TEAM POSITIONS
I.	L.S.E. -A' Team ........................... 42pts.
2.	St Bartholomew's Hospital ............ 60pts.
3.	Royal Vets. College ..................... 67pts.
Colleges Cup: L.S.E. Charles More Cup; Martin Knapp, L5.E. Roehampton Trophy; St Bartholomew's Hospital.
BfcAVLK, Feb. bth, 1S74—I'agc Sixteen
AN ESTIMATED 100 MINERS HAVE DIED THROUGH COAL DISEASE OR ACCIDENT SINCE THEIR DISPUTE BEGAN
IF you are a miner—your risk of death frqm injury is 10 times greater than in industry.
If you are a miner—you risk a general mortality rate which is 15 per cent higher than the average for all other occupations, and your wife faces a
mortality rate 29 per cent higher.
A report in the "Lancet" states that in one mining village investigated, a quarter of the men aged 35-54 and two-thirds of those between 55 and 64 suffered chronic disabilities affecting their ability to work.
Miners are absent from work through illness twice as frequently as other industrial workers—not through hypochondria or skiving, reports "The Lancet" —but through rheumatism at an early age.
As his health declines, so does the miner's wages, because he
gets paid less working on the surface and many mining areas suffer high ¦ unemployment and no alternative..work, leading to a life of permanent unemployment for middle-aged disabled miners.
"The Lancet", calling for much higher compensation for miners
concludes: "You have to see how the patient with pneumoconiosis (coal-dust in the lungs) has to struggle for each breath, every day for years, to appreciate this disease.
"Cancer is lovely compared with advanced pneumoconiosis —at least you die quickly."
JACK COLLINS' FATHER WAS THE FIRST MINER IN KENT. HE HAS BEEN A MINER FOR 30 YEARS AND NOW REPRESENTS 3,000 MINERS ON THE N.U.M. EXECUTIVE. Beaver went along to talk to him.
B: How do you view the Press coverage of the dispute?
. J.C.: Well by and large the Press coverage is to turn the rest of the working class against the miners. This was very clear at the beginning of the dispute, but I think in some sections of the capitalist Press, we can now see they realise the miners mean business and in fact are changing a little.
B: What do you think is the support of the miners now if Heath did take it to an election on "who rules the countr>'". Will the miners still have the support they had when they stared?
J.C.: They have got tremendous support in the organised working class. If they had no support from other sections of the working class, the miners feel the manpower drift in the industry is so great that somebody in the government has got to inject a lot of money into the industry, not only to keep the men that are in the pits now but to get some of the others back.
The miner believes that rightly or wrongly, he can win this struggle by himself.
B: Could }-ou make a brief statement of what exactly your demands are from the government? We keep hearing you have been given 16 per cent and are asking for 30 per cent.
J.C.: I think it is important to remember that the resolution that was caiTied in July at our annual conference was the resolution that was drafted probably about May last year, so already it is as good as 12 months out of date. The resolution dealing with the wages said that the face-working on the surface who are doing those jobs because they have been other higher paid miners in the pit . . . should receive £45. The men not at the coal face on transportation and other sorts of jobs, should receive £40 per week and the surface workers £35. There are many people now working on the surface that are doing those jobs because they have been face-workers and are usually suffering from some sort of disease which does not enable them to work on the coal face any longer. You said we are asking for 30 per cent and the Government are offering ,16 per cent, but in actual fact, on the basic they are oflering us 7 per cent and all the other percentage up to 16 per cent is built up in holiday pay agreements, an extra day off at New Year, and many, many other things.
Then there is a night shift allowance being croposed by the Coal Board. The principle, of course, in line with tha N.U.M. policy is that we do have eaxtra payment for the nightshift—but this is a bit of a swindle because in actual fact the number of men that would benefit from the nightshift payment would be three perhaps four per cent of the membership of the union. The manpower drift is such that instead of producing coal on three shifts as they are now doing, they would take the men—and in fact they are taking the men off the nightshift—and bring them on to the day and afternoon shifts. Of course, once they do that, they are not paying a man this premium for working nights. So they get out of it that way.
Another very important swindle they are proposing is a productivity deal. They are saying that right now for every man shift worked in the industry we are producing 47cwt.; and they are saying that productivity is on an upward trend and so it is on the cards that we are approaching 48cwt. per shift. We are going to get 48cwt., anyway they say, then you have got to prove ta the Pay Board that you are serious in the event of accepting this proposed productivity deal. So you have then got to produce a further Icwt. before going to the Pay Board. By this time you have actually increased output by 2cwt. You will then go to the Pay Board again and if the Pay Board agree that you are serious in your intentions, that you are filling more coal, then they will tell you to come back and increase your productivity on what you have already done. It would be on the third hundredweight increase they would be prepared to come to some agreement.
On that third hundredweight, of course, you would receive only 50 per cent of the original ofler which would be 25 bob, for every man in a week producing 15 cwts. or more.
B.: Of course that would not take into account that real wages are dropping every month with inflation,
J.C.: Well, of course, you talk about a threshold agreement, but you need a tremendous threshold agreement to keep up with the cost of living and increased prices generally.
B.: Why do you think the talks between the TUC and the Government have broken down?
J.C.; I believe from my political understanding of the class struggle that if the class enemy is weak—and the Government are acting from
L
Average earning in the industry £28.50!
a position of weakness rather than strength—you don't nm and bolster them up as the TUC appear to be doing. The TUC should be organising the working class, in order to smash this Government and bring in a different society. They should also be organising the working class to release these building workers. I think they have failed because they were bound to fail. Because if the Government sees the working class grovelling then what will they do? They will take the class position and take a class attitude to this and they will kick them out and in fact do what we should be doing. Tlie Government are doing what the TUC should be doing to the Government.
B.: Do the rank-and-file miners essentially see this battle as a class struggle?
J.C.: No. It would be wrong for me to give the Impression that they see it as a class struggle, because there are not too many miners aware of this class struggle, like other sections of the working class. We are fortunate that there are a number of class-conscious people in leading positions in the union, that are trusted by the membership, and the miners would take the lead from people like that.
B.: If the Government gave in to your set of demands, what would be the outcome? Do you think you would press again next year for more?
J.C.: The annual conference for 1974 will again be in July, and I guess there will be resolutions on the agenda for more wages. In fact there will be a resolution demanding a Miners' Charter and £45 will not keep the men in the pits.
B.: What does the average miner get who is down in the pit, and what are the real conditions?
J.C.: The think about our industry is that we have a holiday pay agreement, and the holiday pay agreement is that the miners will be paid, for each week's holiday they have, the average of the earnings in the industry. The holiday pay they receive now—before there is any new settlement—is £28.50, so that would be the average earnings in the industry. Some miners do work a lot of overtime and average a long way up. As a faceworker, I work for £36.79 and my take-home pay for working five days in the tunnel is £29 . . . 7i hours underground plus the length of time it takes you to get out of the pit.
B.: Is Snowdown one of the better pits?
J.C.; Well, Snowdown wouldn't be considered a better pit to a miner. The best pits in the country of course are in Nottingham, and in the Kent coalfield they are quite bad. It is said by the Kent miners that if you can work in a Kent pit you can work anywhere. Geology has not been kind to the Kent coalfield. The section which we are at present working in is about four feet six thick. We have then got all the supports in, reducing the work-space to about three foot for the length of the face. And then the width you are working in would be about four foot. We are half a mile into the ground, and from the shaft bottom about three miles out.
B.: What was the accident rate at Snowdown last year?
J.C.: I don't really know what the accident rate was at Snowdown last year but I do know that in the British coalfield generally there was one miner for every day of the year dying of pneumoconiosis—or one ex-miner, I should say. And then about every 2J days there is one of our people killed.
B.: If the Government doesn't reach an agreement with you. what do you think is going to be the next step for the miners?
J.O.: There are a number of things the Executive could do. They could recommend an all-out stoppage or they could recommend that since the 71-hour day has been discussed we only avail ourselves of 7i hours. And they could also, in the nation's interest, go on a four-day week.
There are also people who say that when teams of faceworkers are not manned up to their full complement the men should not be allowed to work. And there is a general desire, I believe, to tighten up the overtime ban.
B.; If it came to a ballot, would the miners still be willing to harden the action?
J.O.: The miners are 100 i>er cent behind the Executive stand at the present time. If the Executive were to give a lead and call for another form of action, and there was a strong recommendation to the membership, then I think the loyalty of the miners would be displayed.
B.: What sort of advice would you give to Edward Heath—at a time when there is a shortage of energy—in the way he "treats the coal-mining industry?
J.C.: Well, there is suEBcient coal beneath Britain to last for five hundred years at the present rate of extraction. There's oil and gas in the North Sea, and a certain amount of oil in the-land itself. And I think there should be a re-examination of the fuel requirement of this nation and there should be an assessment as to where they are getting the energy from. I think it is ridiculous to imjjort fuel when we have got such an abundance. My advice to Ted Heath would be: make up his mind whether he wants a mining industry—and in my opinion it is vital), keep the men in the pits and he keep the men in the rpits and he has got to pay them.
We don't want to be treated as a special case, but we want recognition for the job we do.
We think there should be a reassessment of the value of a miner.
J.A. & C.T.
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