NEWSPAPER OF THE LSE STUDENTS' UNION flo. 144 NOVEMBER 4th. 1975 FREE WOMEN UNITE LSE/NUS Women's Festival, Nov 3-7 An illustration from the 'Women's Calendar 1976' on sale ot IMG bookstall £1 THIS week is the NUS Women's Festival Week, called in the context of the NUS Women's Campaign, to highlight the continuing struggles of the women's groups in the colleges. The Festival Week, built around the slogan of "Don't just celebrate, agitate," will culminate in the NUS Women's Conference in Bristol on November 8th, to which LSE will be sending delegates. The LSE Women's group, with the help of Union, has taken up this call and is organising various events during the week ; Monday, 3rd: Public Meeting on Abortion, with a speaker from the National Abortion Campaign. Tuesday, 4th: Debate on Portugal & Women. Speakers; Sue Slipman (NUS Sec.), Linda Smith and Margaret Ren. (AH have recently returned from Portugal). Wednesday, 5th ; Play on sex education and Socialism ; theatre workshop film ; Public Meeting at 2.00 p.m. Thursday, 6th : Large comprehensive bookshop in Main Building, including non-sexist children's books, recent Virago publications, etc. Friday, 7th ; Workshops all day; "Recreation Ground" workshop theatre company ; Social in Concourse Area at 7.45 p.m., 50p. All welcome. The Women's group urge everyone to attend these events, both to participate and to learn about women's development in the LSE and nationally. This week of national activities by Women's groups in the NUS is in part a reflection of 1975 being International Women's Year. In spite of* the emptiness of some of the events in International Women's Year, we feel that its framework should be used to highlight the continuing oppression of women throughout the world. As part of the Women's Campaign and as an attempt to stop its isolation from the mass of the students, a Women's Network is being set up. This group is essentially a communication network with delegates from each college established to highlight the specific problems and advances made in the women's campaign. Last year, as a result of frustration with the lack of NUS activity on the women's question, SWAG (Student Women's Action Gi'oup) was established. Consequently NUS has reacted to this by the formation of the Women's Network in the hope that there will be greater co-ordination and semination of information amongst women students. If the consciousness of male and female students is to be raised and fundamental questions about sex roles to be posed, then there has to be campaigning around concrete issues such as nurseries, abortion, women's studies, lesbianism and anti-sex discrimination legislation. LSE's Festival Week is an attempt to do this and it is hoped that students in the LSE will contribute to both the discussions and activities this week. RUTH BASHALL MAGGIE O'BRIEN. Day in the life of a UGC ON Wednesday, October 29th, the LSE received its five-yearly visit from its financiers. These financiers, the University Grants Committee, arrived to discuss the School's development statement for the five-year period 1977-82. The programme kicked off in eaiTiest at 10 am, with the UGC, consisting of 11 professors, two knights, and one rector, discussing with the Director, the Pro-Director and the School's senior administrative officers, three topics. The topics were money (called the "response to the financial difficulties facing the country and the universities"), the special characteristics and role of the school, and post-graduate experience and continuing education. At 11 am the Students' Union's turn dawned; they chose to discuss academic affairs, including postgraduate courses, the move to Strand House, Union autonomy, the LEA system of financing the Union and Hulls of Residence. After their hour the ' Welfare officers" trundled in to talk about overseas students, the health service, tutors and Halls of Residence. Lunch was taken from 1 pm to 2 pm with some of the UGC members trying to catch up on topics not discussed (eg nur-series\ and som&.pf the School and Students' Union members continuing to amplify and extend their respective positions. At 2.10 the massed professors etc. were dragged from the trough to view Strand House, the library to be. At 2.45 they were supposed to meet members of the "non-profes-sorial academic staff" who wanted to talk about research facilities, the future size of LSE and its student-staff ratio, the Library, the future of the social sciences in British universities and the mysterious "special problems of LSE teachers''. Following them at 3.45 pm the professors and the Librarian discussed the "problems involved in maintaining the School as an institution of international standing during a period of financial stringency. At 5.30 pm the Standing Committee of the Court of Govei-n-nors did its bit on money, Strand House, the future and everything else. By then it was, according to the time-table, time to collapse over dinner to which the student representatives did not get an invitation. The LSE may be in financial difficulties, but it will sink in a liurri-cane of gastronomy if it ever goes down. The SU reps would like to put on record their sympathy for the UGC members who complained that they got less than a student grant per year "for this work—and it's ta.xed''. They would also hope that the rest of the participants in the jamboree presented their case as well as the SU representatives did. The question, what effect it all had would be interesting- to quantify. But at the very least it was interesting. Only five more years till the next one! F.T. 15EAVKR, Nov. 4tli. 1975—Page Two LETTERS Executive Mandate DEAR SIR, — Regarding the Lobby of Parliament on Tuesday, 21st October, which Union Executive Committee was mandated to organise and support, it should be noted that several of the committee were not in attendance. They were : Robin Cooper, Dick Sales, Wynn Tollman, Dave Robertson, Pete Timmins and Simon Beresford. In view of the mandate, explanations of their absence should be announced in Union and/or published in "Beaver''. Any executive, elected democratically by the members of LSE Students' Union which does not carry out Union mandates, thus showing contempt for the students, must realise that the UGM has supreme authority over them. Yours, Z, LEE EXPLANATIONS Robin Cooper: "I had to meet the parents who wished to use the half-term playgroup from 1-2, then from 2-3.30 I had to be in the Welfare Office as Elana had to attend a meeting." Dave Robertson: "I missed the NUS Day. of Action lobby because, (a) I was not mandated to attend, (b) I felt that the meeting I had with the shadow education team on that evening achieved' more than the lobby during the afternoon. The shadow education team now accept the need to abolish the parental contribution, to review discretionary grants, and agree that the level of grant is inadequate." Wynn Tollman was sick with 'flu. Simon Beresford was at the doctors. Dick Sales: "I had to appear in court at 1.30 in Greenwich — why don't you martyr me — The Catford one ! " P.S. ; For not paying car tax — purely a protest against imperialism you understand !" ¦ Peter Timmins: All Union Officials know that Union meetings have "supreme authority over them"; or as the constitution says "all members of the Executive Committee shall be subject to recall by a motion of censure being passed by a simple plurality of those present at a quorate Union meeting. They also know that distortions are found out. Ms Lee gives the impression that a Union meeting mandated all the Executive to go. Not true ; in fact, the Executive Committee, upon hearing a report from its External Affairs Officer who "asked for the EC's support for the lobby of Parliament", agreed to this request. Support, I presume, does not mean automatic attendance. And the EC recognised that, for various reasons, this might not be possible. I, in fact, had a previous mandate from a Union Meeting to produce a new budget etc. Exec, members are not rats in a behaviourist experiment, who do not think for themselves. su democracy? THE proposed 5112 "tax" on post graduate students to support the union is dlscriminatorj- and undemocratic in its essence. Whilst the Union Executive claim that it is a "democratic" decision because there will be a vote on it, they know-full well that most postgraduates are so far removed from the Union political scene (it has been suggested that they are actually studying) that only a miniscule percentage is likely to turn up. The reasons are two-fold: (1) most graduate students are extremely busy, and (2) the Union does not fulfil their needs to such a degree as to warrant their participation. In other words, if the Union is a sufficiently valuable organisation, the people would pay for it voluntarily. If not, then there is no reason to support such an institution. It is my feeling that the Union is not a sufficiently worthwhile organisation. and is therefore not worthy of my support. Yours faithfully, E. HOFFMAN Beaver opinion probe What the public thinks of us !! HAVE YOU HEARD IS THE LSE A OF THE LSE ? A LOCAL BOOZER: "Well, it's around the corner. It's known locally as the "London School of Comics" ... I drink in the same pub as pi'ob-ably you do and, er, I've no objection. I found them friendly." AMERICAN TOURIST: "It's fantastic ! Anyone that I've known that has been there has impressed me all over the place. You're so successful at such a rotten young age" that it just discourages me." AMERICAN TOURIST' (Yet another!) "Well, I've been here six weeks and I was going to write a letter to your Prime Minister and tell him that I think you've got a wonderful country — full of vitality — and I don't see what you fellas are worrying about. About the LSE ? Is that where Harold Laski came from"' (chuckle, chuckle !)" HOT-BED OF REVOLUTIONARIES ? LONDON BOOZER (again): This I wouldn't like to say, to be fair, without a long discussion. My politics are SLIGHTLY Left of centre ... I wouldn't like to be critical. If whatever you do, and you seem to be out on strike pretty frequently, fair enough. Naturally, a bloke In the street like myself doesn't appreciate your problems; neither do you appreciate mine !" DO YOU THINK THAT LSE STUDENTS ARE ACADEMICALLY TALENTED? INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION STUDENT: "I wouldn't say all of them were . . . certainly not those Lefties!" WHAT DO YOU THINK OF STUDENTS GENERALLY ? TUC MARCHER: "Well I think it's a lot of money, isn't it, but I know we've got to have them. Well you got the Army, like . . . you got the officers there, they send them to University for three years, give them a grant of £150 plus expenses; ... so let's go in the Army and go through their system!" WHAT DO YOU THINK OF THE LSE? A COMMUTER: "If it's anything like the Number One ¦ bus service — not much!" U-YEAR-OLD SCHOOLBOY: "I think it's great 'cos it's all for nothing, ain't it ? I think students are lazy, my brother's at Oxford. I'd like to get a job and not lay about." CANADIAN TOURIST: "As "far as I know it's excel- lent but I think they send some radicals over to Canada who stir things up a bit . . . The Simon Eraser University was one. The leader of the revolt there was a graduate of the LSE." A LONDONER: "It has gone down badly since 1968; it used to "be a place where people actually did some thinking. The political activity there appears to have become almost nil. I would suggest that students adopt a Marxist perspective." A SOLICITOR: "... Dominated by Communists ! We need a (Conservative Government, a Free Enterprise society; education based on those of merit and the determination to take the opportunity that society has given them. We need stricter controls in the universities and we need those who are not prepared to work . . . TO BE SLUNG OUT!" A POLICEMAN : "As I'm on duty I don't think anything . . . J'm not doing it on duty." Those hall smells DEAR SIR,—I write to express my support for your campaign for a fairer system for the allocation of accommodation in the flats and halls. I would go further and press you to extend this campaign to university halls of residence in general. From my bitter experience during the last three years I have found the "nepotism" widespread. In places like International Hall, where I have been refused accommodation three years in succession, I am personally able to name at least six people who have lived there for three consecutive years, and two who do not belong to the university at all, but are on good terms with certain members of staff. I am willing to substantiate these allegations and you may use my name if you wish, because not only does it smell, as you say, it politically stinks. G. SEN B.Sc (Econ) Abortion policy DEAR SIR,—You report (Beaver 23rd Sept.) that the NUS National Conference and TUC Conference are calling for free abortion on demand "on the basis that without this, women will never be able to participate fully in the community, education, employment opportunities or political activities," Is this the sole basis, of the TUG and NUS abortion policy? If so, please let me draw attention to the plight of those women who cannot participate fully in community opportunities and political activities because of their responsibilities for incontinent grannies and other bothersome dependents. Surely it is time for the TUC and NUS to stand up for the right of everybody to do away with whom they want. Yours etc., PETER URBAGH CHEAP N TASTY IT'S the end of the week, you've got no money and only leftovers in the fridge which woiild taste ghastly if dished up together ! I Before you dash to the chippy, try using up those scraps in the following- delicious dish. BOOZY BEEF Leftover meat or stew. Beer or wine (to taste) O.K. if it's flat. 1 clove of garlic. 1 onion. 2-4 tomatoes. Mixed herbs (2 teaspoons). Pepper and salt. Method 1. Fry up garlic and onions. 2. Add flour and make a stiff paste. 3. Add water slowly stirring until sauce thickens. 4. Add tomatoes, spices and herbs. 5. Add leftovers, or pour sauce into old stew with booze. 6. Heat and stir until ready. Any veg. can go into this. Serve with Spuds. BEAVER. Nov. 4(h, 1975—Page Three Immoderate moderacy AT the time of writing, the present Executive has been in effective office /or just over three weelcs, with the important exception of tlie two sabbatical officers who have been in office since July. Despite this apparent shortness of time we believe that a critical appraisal of the performance and direction of the 'Executive is both possible and fair. This belief is based upon the following considerations:— This Executive is the first where the constitutional requirement to serve as an Executive-elect immediately after election has been realised. In consequence they should have been fully versed in their jobs by the beginning of this academic year. In addition, the presence of two full-time officials throughout the summer vacation should have adequately provided the groundwork for some immediate results. Above all, the beginning of the first term sees the lowest academic pressures on the part-timers and the least erosion of their enthusiasm by the rigours of office. In writing this article, we do not mean to minimise the difficulties of Executive work. Indeed, we both held Executive office last year; Paul Cockerell as Sabbatical General Secretary, and John Cruse as a member responsible for finance. We write from the belief that the Executive has a vital role to play if the Students" Union is to fulfil its function as a cultural, social and political focus for students at LSE. On the Executive last year there was a majority of Broad Left mem-l>ers and, while we are fully aware of the many mistakes made by the EScecutive last year, the attitude which Beaver has so far adopted with regard to criticism of the present Executive contrasts drastically with the repeated attacks that were made on that majority last year, and can only be described as a deafening silence. This years Executive is dominated by the arrival of the much-heralded "moderate" majority; the precise composition being; 4 Broad Left, 1 International Socialist and 7 "Independents". And any dominant majority must expect the buck to rest v;ith them when it comes to the performance of the Executive as a whole for, as Beaver wrote one year ago referring to the Broad Left majority; "The accusation Broad Left have left themselves open to is that if there is no progress it is their fault." The "Independents'" undoubtedly represent a power bloc on the Executive albeit an ambiguous one. Ambiguous because it would be simplistic to characterise them as a "moderate monolith". Differences there are, but perhaps more striking are similarities between these moderates independent of socialism and independent socialist moderates. Let us look, for example, at how they presented themselves to the electorate last year. Since they have given Union little indication of their politics in Union meetings, their manifestos remain the only genuine indication of their views. "Make the Union pertinent to the LSE students"' (Sales & Cooper) "Run the Union in the interest of the students" (Deans) "(motivate) the apathetic majority so that student policies are not unrepresentative" (Tollman) ". . . Vote Independent to stop this Union fading into oblivion" (OBrien) There is clearly no dispute that the Union exists to serve the interests of its members and that mass involvement is the key to Union's future, but what groundwork has been laid to achieve this? "Better publicity for Union meetings and motions are a beginning" (.Tollman) Perhaps the General Secretary's abject failure to do even this is based on his expressed knowledge that; "I know I represent the main body of opinion". However, the idea that Union will involve more people simply by increasing administrative operations like advertising has been proved to be a fallacy and reveals a deliberate misunderstanding of the agitational role of the Executive, viz. political mobilisation around Union policy. But even the basics of providing information about Union have been ignored; it would have helped if, over the summer, our two Sabbatical officers had prepared information for new-students explaining the importance of Union. The only motion passed so far instructing the Executive to mobi- lise support was for the demonstration against the education cuts on October 21st. This is precisely the kind of campaign which relates duectly to the experiences of all students at LSE, yet the Executive did not even discuss it. ' Perhaps the Cut? Campaign fails "to bring an element of realism into the Executive" (Sales and Cooper), or to provide "absolute opposition to the education cuts" (Deans), or perhaps it was just because the General Secretary "as an Independent Socialist . . . refuses to be blinded by the impractical doctrines of group politics." We would agree with the Senior Treasurer that "doctrinaire chanting Lviz. "Fight the Cuts"! impresses few", but for a person whose "commitment to a strong Union is indisputable", Timmiris did amazingly little to bring to the students' attention the fact that the demonstration was taking place and, like four of his "moderate comrades" could not even bother to attend it. We draw attention to this specific matter because we believe this to be indicative of the direction which the moderate majority on the Executive will, if left to their own volition, lead Union. Already we have seen the third UGM being inquorate from the beginning. O'Brien promised to "stop the Union fading into oblivion." Those who voted for him must already be seriously troubled by the practical effects of his term of office. The low turn-out for the by-election of the Academic Affairs Officer is further evidence of the immoderate growth of inaction, disillusionment and apathy which threatens Union. The only alternative is for members of the SU to demand both collectively and individually that their elected officers' fulfil their duties and carry out the decisions of UGM. Purtliermore, the individuals on the Executive must be forced to use the administrative committees which they chair to involve ever-widening circles of LSE students. Only this path can produce an Executive capable of leading a Union which is responsive and relevant to the needs of LSE students. The deification of passive moderacy must be buried once and for all— before it buries Union. PAUL V. COCKERELL JOHN CRUSE Greatest show on Earth? THE longest running show in the West End is "Mousetrap"-^or so they say. But if one classifies the Students' Union Meetings as entertainment, then "Mousetrap" is in its infancy'. Afficionados of Union Meetings would put them above mere theatrical events because one of their themes is active participation. If yoy. can fmd where the Union Office (SI02) is and"'" get your "motion"" there before ) p.m. on Wednesday, then you can become a public speaker. ' If you don't want to put in motions about your poverty, the standarii of education you receive or what you think of the world, you can always oppose someone else's motions. Maybe public speaking is not your forte, but you can vote for the motions that you want. Indeed, you can always abstain if you can't make your mind up and then just listen to the reports and announcements, so that you are fully informed about how your Union is being run. This wide range of participatory possibiliti.es is available to every democrat on Fridays at 3.00 p.m., at fortnightly intervals. If you complain that "the Union" does not represent the students of the LSE and you don't go to the meetings, then you are a reason why "the Union" votes as it does. Should you believe that the NUS doesn't represent you, then you will guarantee that will be so if you do not turn up and vote in your kind of delegate to NUS Conferences. If your Union is to continue to function, then you will have to turn up to the meetings because otherwise there will be no quorate meetings and as a corollary the Constitution Committee will not be elected, preventing new Societies from being approved, thus reducing the level of activity in the School. S& roil up, roll up—it may not be the best show in town, but it's yours. Budget Blow ANNUAL BUDGET 1975-76 Approx. Budget sub-heading_actual 74/75 1. Central Admin................ £15,572 2. Welfare ........................... £4,425 3. External Affairs ............... £2,817 5. Receipts and Hospitality ...... £1,379 4. Publications ..................... £3,511 6. Societies ........................... £3,668 7. General ........................... £466 TOTAL ....... £31,838 Estimated 75/76< £25,785 £14.315 £4,574 £1.76(j £4,790 £5.500 £680 £57,404 On Thursday, 30th October a meeting was held in the Old Theatre to discuss the above budget. Such an important matter could only draw about twenty members of Union, which, looked at any way, can only be described as pathetic. So pathetic was this turnout, that it was decided without opposition to refer the vote until a further meeting when an attempt will be made to involve more in the decision(1). This further meeting will be held on Friday, 7th November at 3.00 pm in the Old Theatre, and should anyone wish to see a complete run-down of the budget they can collect a copy from Peter Timmins. Basically, the Senior Treasurer is working on the presumption that the School's contribution will be £33,000 plus the possibility of another £7,000. The Students' Union also has reserves of £20,000, and this plus expected profits from the Bar and , Florries of £2,500, will cover the estimated budget but a problem arises from the fact that £1,000 of the reserves is in Treasury Stocks and not redeemable until 1984. Although it appears that the Union is tottering on the brink of insolvency, the budget is based on last year's services and so represents no progress. Furthermore all this will only finance the SU up until July 31st, 1976, when the Union enters upon its "cash flow problem period". Between the beginning of August and the time in October when income is coming in, the Union needs about £8,000 — £10,000 to keep itself running. "The School, however, has promised to bridge this gap with a loan, but details are yet to be worked out. From this, it would seem imperative that a representative number of students attend the next Budget Meeting to either accept this Budget which works just within the Union's financial capabilities or to oppose it on the grounds that the Union's income is insufficient for the students' needs. Either way it is your decision, so come and make it. S.D. The>0reek Month J In London MUSIC FILMS, ART LITERATURE ARCHITECTURE DISCUSSIONS Aspects of contemporary Greek culture LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS WED., NOV. 13, 6 p.m. RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY Panel discussion with four Greek M.P.s: "Srannis Charalambopoulos, M.P., Leonidas Kyrkos, M.P., John Pesmazoglou, M.P., Helen Vlachos, M.P. Chairman: Peter Archer, Q.C., M.P. (Solicitor General). Admission free. MON., NOV. IT, G p.m. GREECE AND EUROPE : PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION. Panel discussion with George Catephores, George Krimbas. Costas Sophoulis. Chairman: Professor John Spraos. Admission free. TOTALITARIAN TRENDS IN MODERN GREECE - Panel discussion with Vassilis Filias, Nicos Mouzelis, Gerassimos Notaras, Ph.D., Theodore Pangalos. Chairman: Professor Richard Clogg. For full details of Concerts, Films, Art Exhibitions, Book Exhibitions, Architecture, Discussions, etc., contact The Institute of Contemporary Arts, Nash House, 12 Carlton House Terrace, S.W.I. 01-930 0493. MON., NOV. ;Z4. 6 p.m. BKAVER. Nov. 4th, 1975—Page Four International Whose A woman's right IT is a widespread belief that with the end of the last Pailiamentarj' session and the collapse of James White's Bill, the threat posed to the 1967 Abortion Act has been removed. This is not the case by any means. Sunday's (October 19th) demonstration illustrated the support which SPUC and other forces of the anti-abortionists are able to call up. On Tuesday, October 21st Barbara Castle reported to the House on the recommendations of the Third Report of the Select Committee, established after the Lane Report to look into the workings of the 1967 Act. She expressed her support for various items of restrictive legislation, and, with supposed "defenders" of the 1967 Act on the Committee prepared to compromise and evade the issue of demand for freely available abortion, this does not bode well for the future, particularly if, as is probable, the Select Committee is reconvened. Aims of NAC In this context, the expansion and the unified purpose of the National Abortion Campaign is increasingly important. Since its inception last March, the campaign has had as its aim the establishment, as a right in law, that any woman to choose whether she continues a pregnancy or has an abortion — a legal right which must be backed up by practical legislation. Consequently, the campaign has adopted as its slogan "Abortion on Demand — A Woman's Right to Choose". The reality of this choice depends not only on the availability of abortion, but the provision of essential social facilities. such as nurseries, job oppor- tunities, acceptable housing, social benefits, and so on. The NAC can thus be seen both in the context of wider struggles but also with its own particular focus and characteristics. Not least of these is the fundamental and indispensible support of local groups involved, which are in an ideal position to use their particular knowledge and contacts to ensure that the struggle • against the threat of restrictive legislation is carried out effectively on a local basis, and from their experience others are able to learn. This has drawn an increasing • number of people into the campaign — from 100 members at the founding less than a year ago, to 20,000 people from all backgrounds and levels of political experience who formed the demonstration on June 21st. Over 800 such individuals registered at the first NAC national conference, held on October 18th and 19th at Imperial College. The purpose of this conference was to draw together as many people as possible in order to discuss and decide proposals relating to the aims and structure of the NAC and its future actions, — Conference resolves In summary the resolutions taken at the conference were as follows. It is intended to build a mass national campaign to defeat all restrictive legislation on the basis of a woman's right to choose about termination of pregnancy, a right in law and in practice, with abortion freely available throughout the NHS, improved clinic facilities, and research funds. Any restrictions on foreign women receiving free abortions on the NHS will be opposed. It is an interesting point that at a time when the abortion laws of other countries are being liberalised, our own are under attack. It was also decided that NAC would not actually affiliate to any organisation having a broader programme of aims than is established through democratic discussion and a vote at a National Conference, though it is hoped that local groups will continue to grow, based on boroughs, towns, universities, colleges, schools, work places, the NHS, the professions, and Trade Unions. There was a call for an Annual National Conference, to be open to all supporting NAC aims. Action proposals included a call for a National Week of Action against the re-constitution of the Select Committee, starting on Nov. 17th to coincide with the first week of the parliamentary session. Actions suggested are public meetings, lobbying of MPs both in Parliament and locally, street meetings, hospital pickets, work place meetings, petitionings, local demos and rallies. Labour support It is also intended to draw in the Labour Movement, following on from the TUC resolution of support at its own conference. It is suggested that Local Constituency Labour Parties should impress on Labour MPs the crucial point that they themselves wield the power to create the framework of choice essential to all women. They should vote against restrictive legislation and the reconvening of the Select Committee. A day of action focusing specifically on the NHS is to be arranged, in order to raise the issue of the implementation of the 1967 Act and the attitudes of gynaecologists and hospital workers. Last, but not least, is the need for finance, and it is intended that a National Fund Drive be initiated. ^Details of these actions will be made known as soon as possible, and we will be actively petitioning during the next few days). Women undet WOMEN in South Africa suffer first and foremost from the oppression of Apartheid. For, although the privileged white woman faces the discrimination ''-faced by women in Western so