BRITISH LIBRARY Of POmiCAL S EODIOUIC SQENCE f 1 8JUN 199q NEWSPAPER of the LSE STUDEI^TS' UNION No. 158 FEBRUARY 8th, t977 FREE STUDENTS V BOARD "The Times" classified column 1984 WANTED : STUDENTS FOR THE LONDON SCHOOL OF UNDERGRADUATE ECONOMICS & ENGINEERING (known as LSE) It is deeply regretted that we are no longer able to offer courscs in sociology, anthropology, philosophy and social psychology, however we are pleased to be able to continue to offer couises for undergraduates in elementary economics leading to a degree in "Higher Capitalism." We have one course now open for post-graduate students— "Engineering applications of economics." Fees are being maintained at an economic level: £6,500 p.a. undergraduates. £10,500 p.a. postgraduates. Self-financing students need not apply as unfortunately we have no hardship funds available. For the post-graduate course a good first degree is no longer necessary. The above advertisement for the LSE in 1984 nnay seem like a joke to many students who are perhaps unaware of the serious implications of the present Government's policy on education. This policy reflects a trend, described in the "Guar-dian" (16.12.76) as "University students are layabouts, postgraduate students are worse and ovei-seas postgraduate students are worst of all.'* University education is at risk, the new fees recommended for next September represent an astronomical rise, self-financing students will obviously be the hardest hit and it is by no means certain that students with gi-ants will have their gi-ants raised correspondingly. Already it has been stated by the S.S.R.C. that they will have to limit their number of awards to post-graduates. NEW FEES: Undergraduates Posigraduates Overseas- £650 Overseas £850 British £500 British £750 The LSE, because of its unique composition (50'i^' postgraduates, large number of overseas students), is more vul-1 nerable than other universities ! to such dramatic fee rises. The ! new fees will mean that 30% of the LSE income will be from fees, compared with 13'c this year, unless the LSE manages to meet its student targets its income will thus correspondingly drop. It is difficult now to forecast how many students will leave if the fees are increased but there is no doubt that of the 530 British self-financing and approximately 795 Overseas self-financing students many of them will not be returning to finish their courses or to commence a new course. It is patently obvious that in order to prevent these new fees increases being implemented academic stall and students must work together to iight to presei've the right for education for all and the existence of the LSE itself. The Students' Union has presented recommenedations to the Academic Board Meeting on 9th February, when it is expected a decision will be reached on tuition fees. One of the SU recommendations has been that any decision on fees should not be made without full consultation with all interested bodies, including the Students' Union and thus they have called for a postponement of any decision. Some members of the Academic Board have shown interest and appear to be willing to give active support to the students' proposals. However, when the .students delegation goes into the Academic Boaid meeting on Wednesday, 9th February, it is fairly obvious what the reaction of the majority of academics will be. Yes. we sympathise with your case, yes, we hate discrimination but if we don't raise the fees where will we get the money from ?" The answer to this unfortunately doesn't lie secretly buried in some cupboard in Connaught House because the School simply has not thought of any alternative plan and is relying on the fact that they will "be able to continue to attract good students" however high the fees maybe. The quotation is from the GPC's blue paper on tuition fees which recommends to the Academic Board that "regrettably they, and the School had no real option," but to increa.se the fees. WE SAY THAT THE SCHOOL HAS A REAL OPTION AND THE OPTION IS NOT TO INCREASE THE FEES. Support Meeting at 1 p.m. in the New Theatre on Wednesday, 9th February before the Academic Board meeting. British students, postgraduates and ovei-seas students all come because the Academic Board's decision affects YOU personally. THE Hellenic Society hold a different perspective which is set cut below ; RIGHT TO EDUCATION "No uerson shall be denied the right to education." This right is virtually denied to all those, mainly oversea.s students, who otherwise meet the academic standards but cannot afford the fees to study in this "international community of scholars." It is regrettable that very soon the only qualification required for admission to LSE will be candidates' financial situation. It is inadmissible that students will have to intemrot their courses and depart. We are afraid That such a decision will effect a general scientific and moral degenem-tion of the School. DEMOCRATISATION OF THE DECISION-MAKING PROCESS Economic crisis is couoled with a deepening crisis of all institutions. Democratic rights suffer severe setbacks at all levels. We believe a way out from the crisis lies with the strengthening of democratic rights through a process of open, discussion. (Continued on Page Five). 60-30-Ctt National Westminster Bank Limited 65 Aidwych Branch Connaught House, 65 Aidwych, London WC20 4DS f^.LONDON SCHOOL Of?^q>NQMlC$ -lElGm- HUNDRED Ai^D /f/FTT I 0. LS. SMASHED IN L.S.E. MORT SAHL, the legendary ! comedian, satirist, writer, Ken- | nedy speechwriter and enter- | tainer will be making an exclu- | sive live British appearance in j the LSE Old Theatre on Monday, 14th February. His visit to this country includes an interview on the BBC TV Michael Parkinson Programme on Saturday, 12th February and a Press Conference to tie in with the publication of his latest book, "Heartland". THE by-elections to the L.S.E. union executive last Tuesday produced a devastating victory for the Conservative candidate, Margot James, and for the Broad Left candidate Mick Wood, who is a member of the Labour Party. Both candidates igot in on first preferences alone. There was an unusually high poll, nearly 650, Ms. Wanda Gold-wag, General Secretary, commented that this was amazing for a place which was supposed to be apathetic. The votes were distributed as follows : ''Margot James (Con.) ... 258 *Mick Wood (Broad Left) 231 Nina Rapi (I.M.G.) ...... 66 Bonnie Vandesteeg (I.S.) 47 Richai'd Bennet (I.S.) ... 48 "Elected. It is unprecedented in recent times for a Conservative to top the poll, especially in a hotly contested by-election. When the Returning Officer, Mr Christopher Hall, announced the results to a tense audience jubilation broke through the ranks of the moderates. In a parody of Auberon Waugh's "Fascism smashed in New- castle"' after the I.S, there beat the National Front by one vote in a Parliamentary By-election, a conservative was heard to remark that the "International Socialists have been smashed in the L.S.E." Mr Wood, a Post-graduate, was quietly confident throughout. Neither Miss Rapi nor Miss .Vandesteeg turned up for the count. Mr Laurie Solkin was heard to comment after hearing of the showing put up by the I.S. candidates "The comrades will have to pull their fingers out", _ Miss Jackie Gladdon, a member of the Executive, said, "These results have strengthened the position of the Moderates on the Executive and will hopefully bring the Executive into closer touch with the rank and file of the student body."' Mr Stephen George, also a member of the Executive commented that "Margot won with a mixture of charm and organisation." Of Mick Wood's victory he said "A post-graduate presence is helpful." Bruce Fell MORT SAHL AND ?^OY HAf^PER See page 7 REWKR, February 8tli, 1977—fage Two LETTERS Ezra pounds on Pizzaburger DEAR SIR—I have beeu 30 impressed by the brave sentiments expressed in the letters of Cooper and Goldwag ("Beaver," January 18th i as to bel.eve now that their claims do not go far enough. As Cooper suggests, and Goldwag would concur, homosexuals should have their own pubs, clubs, and other facilities, along with opportunities to advertise them. Th.?y should, indeed, have a right openly to recruit for the movement. But they would not object, surely, to extending to the more retarded, though stiLl worthy, members of the student population of non-homosexuals some facilities also for progagating their sexual preferences also, and for le-cru'.ting potential heterosexuals. And, come to that, there can be no reasonable justification for discriminating against those whose profound feelings incline them toward animal contacts. Again, it is undeniable that a Friendly Society of Sadists would add ft desirable dimension to the growing spectrum of sexual opportunity, which group would be admirably supplemented by an Association for the Advancement of Masochistic People. And talking of Goldwag's "autonomous revolutionary movement" of non-heterosexuals against capitalist oppression, there is no reason to stop there. For it would surely be grosslj unfair to preclude the fonmation of social centres for those whose sexual proclivities are predominantly anal, or for those having a strong partiality for what we discreetly refer to as "oral sex," Indeed, should the occasion arise, some minimal provision ought to l)e made for those ardent innovators who might come to cultivate "nasal sex," or "aural sex." or—who kuo-.vs!—"gas-pipe" sex. Having the matter in proper perspective, we recognise at once that charges of discrimination can be avoided only by permitting advertise-nierits informing the public of the location of private rooms for those whose orgasmic relish is confined to the solitary conv*enience of masturoa-tio'^—aided and enhanced as it is today by the burgeoning assortment of ele'^'ric-powered gadgetry that is one of the finer fruits of technological progress. Another consideration now demands urgent attention. I observe, with sorrow though not without understanding, that the homosexual fraternity cor.-.;nue to have vestigial reservations about the overt and exclusive use of :'ne word homosexual; that they have, in consequence, conscripted the once-poignant little adjective "gay" to their admirable movement, with the concomitant disadvantage to members of society at large who are becoming aiffident about using the word in polite conversation. Yet, granted the persistence of this bourgeois inhibition against calling a spade a spade, it v,o-".d be absurd to desist from cramping the English language a little Conned in committee DS.\R EDITOR.—May I take this opportunity to congratulate you on you^- headline story of last week, "Committed to CommitteesA piece of journalistic brilliance, littered with Insights worthy of far greater men. I can only concur with your conclusion that the taking of places on the School Committees will result in a fundamental improvement in the lot ot students. Of course it's a pity that we have not achieved parity, thereoy guaranteeing us an effective voice, but I think we must not overrate ourselves; perhaps a permanent minority reflects our importance as more in order to promote causes so deserving of humanitarian approval— ^ PlSSObUtOGt provided, always, that we exercise prudence. • Thus, those still steeped in old fashioned heterosexual fantasies might well be called the "dulls" by the fashionable establishment of "gays." Yet, ^ D£AR EDITOR.—I felt it was in the interests of sexual tolerance, and in order to inspire emulation and J* , ^ experiment, euphonic terms should be adopted for all the different sexual \ about time that someone \MOte groupings. to you regarding the extortion- Reference to the heterosexuals as the "glads" would tend to put them g rharepv; in the Pizza- on a par with the "gays." Dog-fanciers might rejoice in the appellation S Pnces Charges "the jollies" (with its demure connotation of a collie). On the other hand, g burger. I'm sure it is not my anal addicts might opt for something more stirring, such as the "oompahs," S j^agination that the sizes are While those more elcective bisexuals, a fortiori, those multisexual pala-\ dins who disseminate their favours impartially among all known animal g dimmishmg and the costs ris-life (and possibly plant and insect life also) might usefully be known, \ [¦gg j—Ed.] What were respectively, as the "sports" and the "all-rounders," g , ,___co It is perhaps unnecessary to add that the wearing of sweaters by t 0"^^ well-done beefburge s istudents designed to indicate clearly the range of their sexual enterprise now charred exteriors housing will go far to foster that much-needed impetus toward unfettered sexual \ _ similarly the pizzas experimentation that will, eventually, enable him, her, or it, to lealise j i l to the full, his, her, or its, God-given potential. are cooked on the outside but Finally. I feel obliged to admit, in deference to our unbounded ingenu- v* itv. that these modest proposals for the encouragement of meaningful i j u • « relationships between things animate and inanimate be regarded merely V* can be countered by saying no^ as an earnest of that impending break-through into a world of unlimited I* one forces me to eat there but erotic delectation—a rich heritage to be passed on to future generations 'k n.ipstinn nf Hohson's of things, large and small, mobile and immobile, by the intrepid sex " is a question oi nuubui;, pioneers of today. Let us hope. too. that ere long we shall witness the >;, choice. The Refectory and introduction into the University curriculum of a wide variety of courses ^ p^Q^ries are closed, the Robim-on the techniques of sexual achievement; and that serious research be ' u- u undertaken in the new science of "sexometrics" designed to measure son Room has even higher the multitude of factors that contribute to enlarged appetite and en- \ prices albeit for better foodi large^caij^acit>e inj,,ginative to foretell the emergence of a fundamental and Wrights appears to have equation of sexual felicity, arising from extensions of the Johnson and y* turned into a refuge from all Masters kind of research, one that will determine the magnitude of O \ „pfprinfr fprilifip^ so that it (orgasmic sensation measured in milli-orgats) as a complex function of ^ the catering faciliti^ so that X - X being a vector of critical factors, prods per second, surface drip. S is impossible to nnd more than tensile cling . . . , plus auxiliary factors such as gender, species, or make g ^ single seat. v;; EZRAMISHAN \ por a place purporting to be at Professor of Economics service of staff and students \ feel that the Pizzaburger offers very little and could be considerably im Jk proved through, for instance, ati other cook to ensure that the food is at least cooked; to have just ^ one who is rushed off his feet at will find their time and energy taken up in the administration. The ^imes union will become a mere organiser of elections. Many times people have turned With no accountability, mandatability or recall the Union General \ away after seeing the queue ana Meeting will of course be circumvented and our delegates can work in the knowledge that allowing two untramelled by the student voice, "Much relief from the Administration" minutes' wait at least for every seems to-be a most eloquent way of expressing this. person, lunchtime will be over be Of course, working in the Committees we will bwonie closer to the Administration and will come to see things from then point of view, v. of instrument. not permitted to hold seats on certain committees because they actually held some power. These people completely understimate the principled and lofty stance of administrators such as Pike and Dahrendorf and I agres with your suggestion that this was because of an agreement with KUS. . I look forward to the day when we take our rightful place in the adiiiLnistration of the School the Students' Union as the Executive ...v-v-v ----- —-----—- ,.1 1. 4. y urypenv "i ended By tr'.e time the Widgery Tribunal reported in April, the IRA had had the propaganda field to itself for 11 weeks, and the first, sensational impressions of the day's event had become ingrained in the repertoires of all .selt'-resi>ecting student activists. Last week, five years later, the LSE Union had to watch again as the custodians of its collective conscience paraded this same, hoary old myth, although this time they, didn't even have the decency to cover its shame with as much as a tatter of a fact. NIGRA had hoped that 15,000 would turn out for its illegal demonstration against internment. At 2.47 pm, however, the organisers decided they could delay no longer, and 800 marchers moved off through the Creg-gan and Bogside. They gathered supporters as they went, and by the time they reached the northern edge of the Bogside. their number had risen to over 3.000. At this point they found that the Army had erected a line of 26 barriers across every entrance to adjacent Protestant areas. The leading column turned right from William Street into Ros.sville Street, leaving tehind a group of some two hundred teenage boys (whom the IRA had organised into a disciplined ''Derry Young Hooligans" force) to taunt the Army. The DYH continued down William Street, and attacked Barrier 14. The time was 3.37 pm. The troops resiwndfd to a sliower of •lones. ii'on fbegrates and sharpened metal lances, with a controlled volley of rubber bullets. The Hooligans brought up a prefabricated. corrugated iron shield; the troops drenched them with a water-cannon; the Hooligans threw CS gas grenades; the troops fired more rubber bullets. A few minutes later, at 3.51 pm. the first shot of the afternoon was fired, from the direction of Ross-ville Flats, at a squad of soldiers clearing away some wire from the Presbyterian Church. It struck a rainwater pipe on the wall above their heads. Widgery's comment : "A large number of witnesses gave evidence about this incident, which clearly occurred, and which proves that at that stage there was at least one sniper, equipped with a high-velocity weapon, prepared to open fire on the soldiers." Simultaneously, the Hooligans began throwing "nail bombs"—six-inch nails bound round a stick of gelignite—at soldiers moving across William Street. Cornered in a derelict liouse, a corporal and a private opened fire at men they thought they could see lighting bombs, and two fell wounded. Widgery found no evidence that these two men had been preparing mis- siles. althouali he accepted that nail-bombs had already been tiirown and that tiie soldiers saw men ready to throw more. .\t 3..'>5 pm, when all the marchers had moved down Rossville Street, the Commanding Officer of 1st Battalion Parachute Regiment r(;quest<*d permission to aiTest the rioters still in William StrMt. Only at 4.10 pm. liowever, a time fixed precisely in a photograph by the Guildhall clock, did armoured personnel carriers begin to enter William Street. As they approiiched the wa.ste ground, the leading APCs fanned out. and men jumped out to arre.si the rioters. Apart from the isolated shot at the .soldiers by the Presbyterian Church, it was at this juncture that the shooting began, and it was during the sub.sequenl twenty minutes that all thirteen people were killed, and thirteen more wounded. The situation in the waste ground was confused. When the APCs were spotted, everyone began to run, a few into the courtyards of the flats on either side of Rossville Street, but most streaming through a barricade of concrete blocks to the comparative safety to be found behind the flats. Most of those who were killed, died on or near the barricades. That some of the gunmen fired on the troops from the flats and the Rossville Street barricade is now admitted by the IRA, and accepted as being beyond doubt. The only question is who, in the confusion, fired first. Three groups of soldiers were involved in the incidents which re- sulted in deaths. The first, a sergeant and eight men, stopped under tlie northern end of Block 1 of the High Flats, in a position shielded from ihe Rossville Street barricade, but dominated by the windows of the three ten-slorey block.s. only 50 or 100 yards away. The overwhelming evidence that they were fired on from the flats was not contested either by Father Daly, an important eye-witness .sympi;thetic to the Bogsiders' ca.se, or by The Sunday Times Insight team, who interviewed one of the IRA men involved, a membt'r of the Creggan section of the Officials. The soldiers in the courtyard fired 32 rounds in reply. One 17-year-old boy was killed and a number of others wounded. Widgery was "entirelv .satisfied that the first firing in the courtyard was directed at the soldier.s." A second group of soldiers, after making several arrests, hiid halted at Kells Walk, in front of the Rossville Street barricade. Here they came under fire, took cover, and returned the fire. In this case, it is not entirely clear who fired first, but no-one disputes that both sides were firing. Seven men died, either on the barricade or close behind it. It was this incident which gave rise to allegations that the troops fired on an unarmed crowd. About five hundred people were still listening to speeches at Free Derry Corner, a road junction some three hundred yards from Kells Walk, in direct line behixid the Rossville Street barricade. Some shots over the barricade passed uncomfortably close to the meeting, although fortunately no-one was hit. Lord Brockway. who was making a speech at the time from the back of a lony, acknowledged in liis evidence to the Widgery Tribunal tiiat no shots had been deliberatnu«r> I9'2 H G, N.-) go St 12 Ay ln; oronv COflSE* Paj'ing: the price of peace !T was interesting to have read in the last issue of Beaver an English schoolboy version of the Provisional Alliance "Peace with Justice" slogan for their sort of peace that is a bad joke in Ireland. In fact the story seems to have added a new perversity to the old Brit trick of "playing the Orange card". There is no denying the fact of discrimination against the republican population at all levels during the fifty years of Stormont Rule ; though this was not the cause but the effect of sectarianism, maintained and supported by the Catholic Church. various Protestant churches. and more import^ antly the British ruling class. This is not altogether unusual and can be seen elsewhere in the promotion of tribal, ethnic and religious differences throughout the world—especially before the sun decided to set—in order to secure the profits of British imperialism. But in Ireland, especially in the North, this sectarianism which had been maintained to protect landlordism was quickly seized by the middle class to divide workers particularly in Ulster and Derry. Keeping this in mind, is it surprising that issues that are vital to the working class are often forgotten when it comes to Northern Ireland. For instance today, according to the Northern Ireland Housing Executive, 38 per cent of the housing is unfit for human habitation ; in education the sectarian school system has never started to do away with the 11-plus exam ; in unemployment up to 30 per cent of some towns are out of work, while on average wages are three-fourths that of Britain and prices significantly dearer. Against this background is the daily horror of Provo and "Loyalist" bombings and sectarian killing, with the steady tally of British Army murders and harassment just to keep the show moving. Is it surprising that united class politics is struggling ? That the British media has suddenly switched from the sectarian politics of SDLP and UUUC toward the apolitical and scantily supported "Peace People". Or that the ultra-left in Britain seems a bit tired with the reality that their call for instant revolution is ignored by the working class. What can be doneThe answer lies in the breaking down the sectarianism both in the North and the South of Ireland. The two most effective ways to help further this struggle is to support the Irish Congress of Trade Unions "Better Life for All" campaign and the Northern Irish Civil Rights Association's Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. This means putting pressure on this "Labour" Government to take the initiative for political action to implement the:-"e proposals, especially those for the NICRA Bill of Rights. It is during a time of creating this political groundwork when the British Army must withdraw, and Britain resume its .social responsibilities in Northern Ireland; Britain must NOT be allowed to v,'ithdraw its costs while keeping its profits like it has done in Southern Ireland—or for that matter South Africa. It is only through class politics that a thirty two country Democratic Socialist Republic of Ireland can be created, not through some absurd ultra-left notion that right-wing Provo bigots are going to liberate Ulster. If I may suggest to romantic English schoolboys that when they get serious it might be of more help if they start working for a democratic socialist republican—England ? M. M. Gallagher BK.Wt.R. February 8th. 1H77—I'a^e Five ROGER Profile of a Revolutionary WELL, if the "New Statesman" can run a series entitled "The Slippery Pole" about politicians who never made it, why can't "Beaver"? Our series, then, is intended to give you insight into those people you know and love from Union General Meetings and what better place to start than with ROGER GALLOWAY. Roger comes from a Rhondda Valley mining family. His grandfather was a true activist, imprisoned after the Tonypandy riots and arrested after the General Strike: he was for some time (1937-9) a Communist member. He was however asked to leave the Party when he disagreed with the Russian line on the Second World War as an "inter-Imperialist" war. ironically this line was changed in the following year. Roger's father worked his way up from the bottom grade of the Met Office and is now senior forecaster at RAF St. Morgan (Cornwall) and a trade union member. His mother worked to finance her college education and is now a teacher and local organiser of the NUT. Politics first began to interest Roger at his 6th form college. He was involved in the 6th form committee and at one point arrested for vandalism (ripping down Tory posters . . .). Now his politics have moved away from the Labour Party towards Marx and he regularly reads the 'Morning Star.' In the 2nd year he was banned from being president of the Committee by the Headmaster and turned from politics for a while to drugs and writing poetry. He then spent three months in a wholesale firm, where he joined the TGWU. Roger joined the IS (SWP) in his first year at LSE. heated ] Who the luck elected a judge ? To be a judge you have to be a banister and to Ije a barrister you've got to have friends in high places. Who are these judges ? TTiey're lucking senile, they're doddei-ing ! 1 was in court once and he was lucking snoozing ! 'Vou can't legislate to change it. the working class has got to seize power and fucking smash the State. US : Do you revolution ? believe in THE Bar was crowded and noisy but Roger had insisted that he needed his lunchtime drink nonetheless (he drank rum and black); undaunted we began ;— US : What do you consider to be the role of students ? RCXJER ; You can't have an absolute role— it deijends on the objective and ideological circumstances. In the "twenties and 'thirties 'there was privileged education, you know, at Oxford and Cambridge. All those people who went into education, came out and became lawyei-s and capitalists. Essentially they were bigots. They were on the side of the ruling classes in the General Strike. They ran trains with their bloody Oxford .scarves flapping behind them. After 1945 that's when it started to change, right. Fantastic boom in capitalism —on the one hand an increase in technological know-how, on the other hand there was the idea of the Welfare State. This meant that education was needed to bring in a new level of people who would go to the polytechnics and technical colleges. More and more people from the middle and working classes could afford to send their children to universities and polytechnics. You can't see students as a class because they've no relation to the means of production. I see them as transitionary. The role of students is in the battle of ideas and in 1967-t)8 there was a fantastic sort of interest in Left-wing ideas, although at the same time there wasn't any crisis. This isn't linked to the economic situation—it's divorced from it. US : But how much do you think the battle of ideas was stimulated by the fact that students in the 'sixties were bored—they had everything a lot easier? ROGER : I think they were really interested, they had a real conscience and a belief in .socialist ideas. But I haven't finished about the role of students. Now it's changing. Things that were taken for granted are coming under attack. Not just financial attack but ideological attack. US: Oo you think you should . . . ROGER ; Shut up, I'm trying to finish. They want students to go to Imperial and into industry and this sort of thing. When it comes to social work and sociology and the arts—those are the ones being cut. So as well as the fight in the battle of ideas now you've got to fight actively as well. You've got to fight racist fees. You've got to fight liberals like Dahrendorf. US : Do you see it as an attack on just^ overseas students or on the student body as a whole ? ROGER : On the whole student body, but basically it's the overseas students. They're the ones who can be deported at the stroke of a pen. If Dahrendorf gets something up his nose, or a hangox'er. or something and he sees so-and-so's name and he can send a report to the DES. So that's the role of students. Fighting back. But not just mindlessly. Fighting back but with Socialist ideas, because that is the only way. US: In that case what do you consider to be the role of the NUS ? ROGER : What you must say is that it's not individual students who are under attack. So that's wh,\' you need NUS—a national organisation. But what you don't need is the NUS leadership. US : What you would prefer to see is a more militant leadership ? ROGER ; Yes. obviously. It's the I.S. who are really fighting. Some day people ai'e going to say. "Look at these Broad Left wunkei's. thcj- sit around on their arses, they sometimes even go against occupations." They don't advertise occupations, then they claim to have led them. But they didn't—it was the rank-and-file students. The argument that NUS isn't democratic enough is a total red herring. The main thing is that the sovereign body is the Union floor. I'm not interested in abstract democracy and abstract liberty—that's what the bourgeois Press puts out and the FCS. There should be participative and collective democracy, because that is the only way forward. Everybody can put a little cross every three months. What is that? It's nothing really. How can you fight back that way ? If everything is related to the Union floor, the sovereign body, that's what I call democracy. [At this point Roger was prompted by Jim Gee.] Yes, um, technical advice.like. US: What are your views on the FCS then ? ROGER: Well, you know, in Norway in 1938-39 there was a bloke called Quisling. There were people waiting in the wings known as Quislings. They would take power and destrov all the structures. Any sort of democracy. And basically that's what the FCS are—they're Quislings. They want more cuts. They want to make immigration controls even worse. Some parts of the Tory Party even talk atx)ut repatriation. What do the FCS actually do ? Why do they call Quorum at Union meetings ? Why do they try to put off inexperienced speakers ? Why do they call for more plastic democracy ? They don't want students and workers to think for themselves. They want them to be told. US : Why are more students FCS members than anything else ? ROGER : Because they only have to sign on every year. O.K., you've got a lot of Tory ideas especially in a place like this where people are studying accountancy and things like that. But you don't fight for overseas students \\ ith a few wine and cheese parties. Anyway, I don't really want to talk about the FCS because it leaves a nasty taste in my mouth. US : Who do you consider to be the working class ? ROGER : They're the people who are right into the means of production or who work for social wealth—teachers, doctors—but this is obvious. I think it's much more relevant to ask who the ruling class are. Those who control the means of production and benefit from it. I think vou can define the ruling class into the armed forces, oolice, civil service. judiciar\'. the law, the nationalised industries and of course the bosses. I get on well with the villa'^e policeman -he's a nice bloke—he stavs in the pub till about two in the morning. You can't say in'fividuals are wrong.—it's the State apparatus. [At this point Roger got rather ROGER : Yes, obviously. But you're asking in the abstract. You've got to see it objectively. If we really built a Socialist Worker Party we could have hundreds of thousands of people on the streets and they'd bring in the tanks, machine-guns; they'd shoot them down. How can the working class stop this? In the last analysis—I am a pacifist, but a realistic one—t'ne only way the working class can ever achieve power is through force. The way forward is to build a party in the working class. It's no good two men and a dog trying to take over the country. The I.S. is made up of 87 per cent working class and 13 per cent students. We're just normal fjeople when it comes down to it. US (stifled giggle) : Not pathological then ? ROGER ¦ No—whatever that means. Like I said before. I'm not very good at long \\-ords. US : Why has the I.S, become the S.W.P. ? ROGER Previously we've been a pressure body ljut now we've Ijeen forced to act as a party. We've got to be really organised—an alternative to the reformists. We don't go in for all this great January the first —a rock band in Alexandra Palace—no. we just ciuiftly Ix'-come the S.W.P. US: Is your working-class accent real or cultivated ? ROGER : I'm flattered. But I'm not conscious of having a working-class accent. I just siJeak and that's how it conx's out. US: Do you play for laughs at Union meetings ? ROGER. Play for laughs ? No, it just comes out—some people are born humorous. I'm sarcastic, satirical like. But what it is, you can't help laughing at some of the people in the Union like Paul Brown and Peacock—you've got to laugh, haven't you ? Stupid questions annoy me because it's a waste of Union time. There are three main things at the moment. Firstly the overseas students question at LSE ; we've got to mobilise people. Then there are the women—the E.G.A. hospital and the abortioh campaign. Thirdly, there's the problem of how to put the I.S. forward. [Roger then left an Executive meeting.] us for Liz Baltesz and Carol Saunders STUDENTS V BOARD (Continued from Page One). However, we believe that our attendance at the Academic Board meeting, which will actually discuss our academic future, constitutes the minimum self-defence we can exercise. Of course, in order for this presence to be effective we need access to all relevant information affecting the decision process. OUR POLICY (II We don't want to nlav the role of the political avant-garde: our goals are realistic. We are in-teTested in becomine active in the problems, gnipnline them for a positive solution which will really concern the entire academic community. (2^ The nroblem of fees is one for the entire academic community including evervoiie interested in workina: in a place which conceives education not as a nrivilese but as a right. On this basis it seems to us that the problem should be discussed in the area of our narticuiar work, in lectures, in classes in tu-torinls. with teachers and colleaRues. i3i In our fliTht a sienificant role would be played bv OSAC with active Union supnort. It is neces.sary for society to discuss the oroblem. to build a nolicv, to proceed to an allocation of duties. Their collaboration may take various forms : meetings of their executives, co- organisation of an International Day and may conclude to the feder-alisation of OSAC. (41 On the basis of our right to take part in the making of a decision which directly influences us we ask the following points fpm the Academic Board: la) Right of speech to the delegation of OSAC throughout the Academic Board proceedings. (bi The full recommendation of the PGPC and the documents on which it was based. All the documents (budget, etc.I which directly concern the economic policy of LSE. (c) Postponement of the decision in order to acouire the necessary time for one student committee to form its proposals. Id) Extraordinary meeting of the Academic Board three weeks after February 9th. le) Our other goals: abolition of the quota system: and policing. We believe we should incorporate tho.se demands in the logic of participation aiid corresDonsibilitv and ask the whole Academic Community to come along. CONCLUSIONS We call on the whole Academic Community to defend its rights to education corresponsibility. and ftee speech as the minimum means of defence to this most uniust attack. AVER. February 8th, m'7—Page Six Pandruff quits Shock horror revelation RUMOURS that Prof. Ralf DandrufT (no relation) has been planning to "quit" a well-known London college were being strongly denied last night. The rumours had originated from the fact that Prof. Dandruff is nowadays never to be seen at the college. Most of his time is spent flying around the ,V7orld and serving on special Covernment Committees which ^'investigate" such diverse subjects as the macabre happenings in the City; the effect which the distribution of free contraceptives among children in primary schools would have on - Britain's population in the year 2000; the corrupting effects of Mrs Mary Whitehouse on the population of Britain ; and the degree of uselessness of countless Committees which investigate such bizarre and irrelevant subjects as the ones above. STOP PRESS: Early this morning Prof. Dandruff issued a statement in which he "deplored" the "spiteful speculative tittle-tattle which has been fomented by subversive troublemakers who wish to taint the reputation of the world's most brilliant academic. I am very bappy, thank you very much, to continue flying around the world meeting distinguished people and having dinner with them, serving on all these amusing Government Committees and generally pontificating on matters I know nothing whatever about. "Furthermore", Dandruff added, "If these baseless rumours continue to circulate in this irresponsible fashion, I will have no choice" — and here he turned purple and foamed at the mouth — "but to resign as Director of this School". LSE Bores Award The award for LSEs most boring lecturer 1976-77 has gone to Mr Kurt Klapptrap. This is the twenty-third year in succession in which Mr Klapptrap has won since the award was founded 23 years ago. This year, as before, there was a long and distinguished list of lecturers nominated by LSE students. But, as usual, Mr Klapptrapp has won hands down. Presenting the award, a plastic plaque inscribed with the words "... for your services in making Economics even more boring, unintelligible and difficult than usual" Mr Arthur Hack, the presenter, spoke of Mr Klapptrapp's "supreme talents in his ability to cause students to skip his lectures, and make those few who do bother to turn up fall asleep. His tedious, repetitive style of presenting his right-wing propaganda—which, in characteristic good humour, he describes as facts—is, I may safely say, unequalled anywhere else in the School, and I would guess, in Britain, perhaps even the world. "Never in the field of human achievement have so many been bored for so long by so few— if I may paraphrase Churchill, another great bore. Mr Klapptrapp while you may not be very successful in indoctrinating your students with your propaganda—only a fool, after all, could be taken in by such pathetic trash—and although none of your students ever learn anything from you, your supremity in boring them is undoubted". (Laughter and clapping). Thanking the School for the award, Mr Klapptrapp said emotionally: "I am deeply honoured. I will happily continue to bore all of you for as long as you allow me to—and, of course, for as long as you continue to pay me a not inconsiderable salary for my splendid efforts in this respect." Sennet's last days— special probe Senate House, Monday. Many people here feel that Jack Jones' call for 1977 to be the "year of the Beaver" is inappropriate. While Beaver is not the most healthy paper in existence, its condition is certainly better than that of a sickly, tired, limp organ called Sennet. After its non-appear-ance on some past weeks, and its "appearance" recently as a four-page sheet of adverts and "articles" describing student affairs which everyone knew all about three weeks earlier, and which no-one would be interested in even if they hadn't, whispers are being circulated to the effect that Sennet will soon have to pack it in. The editor, with all the brazen confidence of the captain of the Titanic, naturally denies all this. So do all the various nondescript hacks who "write" for the rag. Possibly t)>ey are correct: Sennet may merely be reduced to publishing biannually a one-page issue consisting entirely of adverts. In any case, this subject is almost as boring as the Great Debate on Devolution. We will no doubt see as time passes. And most people (except the ^poor hacks involved) probably couldn't care less one way or the other. Apathy Rules—O.K.! LSE's latest Society, the LSE Apathy League (a branch of Monty Python's British Apathy League) has a confirmed membership of more than 99 per cent of LSE's students, a recently published survey has revealed. It is now applying to LSE Union for funds to provide for its members. Asked what he wanted to use the funds for, the Society's President (un-elected unanimously) yawned that he couldn't be bothered to say. When told that he could not have any money unless he did, .he replied "Oh sod it, it's not worth the effort". However, it is believed that the things he has in mind are ear-muffs for tho.se who can actually be bothered to go to lectures, beds for people who are particularly "shagged out"' after another day of doing nothing, and spe- cial "force-feeding mechanisms" so that those who can't be bothered to eat will not die of starvation. (On the latter item, however there is a problem over whether anyone will bother to operate the machines.) Trouble has arisen over the method used to achieve such a large -membership, however. The technique was to make students who did not want to belong to the League "contract out". However, very few people knew about this because nobody could be bothered to tell them. Only a small handful of activists found out. The only non-members, therefore, are a handful of union hacks and careerists. LSE AG's President, whose name temporarily escapes me (it is not even certain that he exists), in a press release issued last night, lashed out at what he described as "the fascist Student's Union who are exploiting thousands of ordinary students who just want to get on with the business of doing nothing." He later added, "I speak for the Silent Majority— who are silent because they cannot be fagged to open their mouths. My members," he went on, his , face contorted with yawns, "will stop at nothing to achieve whatever we are attempting to achieve—indeed, they will do nothing to achieve it". As we go to press, we have just heard that the Chairman of LSE's Conservative group has given his "full-hearted backing to that chappy who stands for the right of students to do what they want to do—in this case nothing. Why should students be debarred, for instance, from voting in Union elections just because they can't be fagged to attend the meetings and haven't the faintest idea what any of the issues are about. This is just typical of this Socialist government, restricting our liberties by nationalising the railways . . . sorry, I seem to have got my notes mixed up ... " James Gaussen LEGALISE IT! ON Friday, January 28th. a motion was passed at U.G.M. pledging support ior Release's "Decriminalisation of Cannabis Campaign." The campaign marks the culmination of ten years' work in the field of Drugs and the Law by Release, a government aided organisation, which was set up in 1967. Since those days of 1967 and Woodstock, when if you fell over in the mud you got stoned, the situation hasn't changed. Despite extensive research into cannabis, the laws concerning possession, trafficking and taking of the "evil weed" are still the most open-ended in the country. The Police have the right to stop and search you if they believe you are in possession of drugs, firearms and if you have committed a theft. Frequent episodes of Police brutality, when suspected drug-takers or dealers are searched are notorious among smokers, yet they fail to make the front page of such bastions of Civil Rights as the Daily Telegraph or The Times. The Police don't seem to mind the publicity surrounding busts either; wit-net& the Windsor Free Festival when hundreds of Police officers from the Thames Valley Constabulary invaded Windsor Great Park to turf out the temporary residents who had gathered to enjoy the music, vibes and atmosphere of an otherwise peaceful event. The arguments surrounding cannabis are many and often emotional, but there are certain aspects of the matter which can be taken as fact: 1.—The long-term consumption of cannabis in moderate doses has no harmful effect. 2.—It is non-addictive. 3 —The risk of progressing on to harder drugs like heroin, cocaine, etc. Is exaggerated and there is no reason for retaining control over it. In the Guardian two weeks ago a leading e.xpert on drugs at a London Hospital stated that prospective drug-takers would take virtually anything that is fivailable. 4.—There is little evidence to suggest that it results in crime. This is not to suggest that cannabis is a totally harmless dnig. 'young takers are said to lose ground academically, it does impair driving ability and there is a risk of industrial accidents. But don't forget that all these effects could be attributed to drink. A consei-vative estimate of the numbers of regular cannabis users in Britain is Ave million, one-eleventh of the population, but figures of six to eight million users seem much more realistic since the previous survev was conducted .some time ago. That means six million oeople a year are breaking the law. The mockery of the present drugs laws is in their discriminatory nature of implementation. A man busted in London for possessing 600 Thai sticks received only a fine yet in Cambridge a girl busted with 3iozs. of dope received a prison sentence of three years in Holloway. One could go on listing reasons why the present laws are ludicrous. Too much public money is wasted every year in trying to enforce an cut-dat-ed and outmoded law. The Wootton report of 1969 suggested a relaxation of the laws but the report was shelved by the then Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Since then nothing has been done. Is it right that 10,000 people a year are busted just for possessins a harmless plant and that thousands more are subjected to harassment'by the Police? Why are our prisons filled with people whose only "crime" is to have smoked this plant? Why has nothing been done in Britain when 19 states in the U.S.A., Holland and Columbia have decriminalised possession of dope? Reform Cannabis Laws now! Five million smokers can't be wrong! (For more information contact Release, 1 Elgin Avenue, London W9 or 'jihone 01-289 H23). LEGALISE IT. DON'T CRITICISE IT! Poetry THE LSE Poetry Gr«up meets on the first and third Tuesdays of every month betwetrt 1 and 2 in the T.V. Room, fw informal speakers and readirvcs of members' own poetry. All sttHlcnts and staff are invited to come afor»g any time. The Romance of the Road O MY love is like a red, red Suzuki, That roars at eighty miles an hour. O my love is like a kind of melody. That's sort of wailed by "The Four Loons", Marvellous new group. O my love wears safety pins through her r-os<' And dyes her hair purple, green, and black O my love reads the glossy magazines About pop singers And all dishevelled wandering stars. O my love reads pcetry Like I read Urdu, O my love will knit at public hangings And screech with laughter too. 0 my love is like a red. red 90 c.c. That roars at eighty miles an hour Up the sweaty roads Under me. WiUiani Prendcville LSE Pf'ftry Group A Rather Saif Pcem WE are sitting crposite each other. You are dressed in red, and from your attitxjde 1 think perhaps it is a penitential colour. You are trying to read but the furrow of your brow that cuts too deeply bodes no success in your endeavour. Sometimes, shyly, you half smile at me and I shyly half smile back. There is the end of our communication. One might wish for more, I am sorry we have not spoken But. after all, we are both young women. M. n. Pilisbury Insecurity, LSE-style IN the cloakroom glances meet, glance off again, averted. Eyes flicker with the fear and hope of being recognised, or greeted. Only the cloakroom attendant's eyes look squarely across the counter at tho.se he knows, yet does not know. Conversation is the shuffle of raincoats, .snap of cases, buttons' click. Such nervousness is scorned by the wireless' electric crackle: a housewife telling a 'cored DJ about her terminal cancer. All around, ears are averted BEAVER, February 8th, 1977—Page Seve ENTSNEWS AND REVIEWS MORT SAHL MORT SAHL'3 career has shown him to be essentially a pioneer, although his notoriety in. this country has often been overshadowed by Lenny Bruce. As a one-Une psycho-analysist, his comment on Richard Nixon is magic: "Would you buy a used car from this man?" The personal list of firsts that Mort Sahl can claim is staggering: he was the first comedian to work totally improvlsationally; the first to be profiled in The New Yorker, The Reporter, Playboy, Esquire and Time: the first political satirist to have his own syndicated television show; the first to cover the Republican and Democratic National Conventions as an accredited correspondent; and the first entertainer to write speeches for a President of the United States. Helicopters wene. even sent to pick up Mort's latest one-liners for Kennedy to use in campaig-n speeches! Since the target of a satirist is whoever is in power, the elected John Kennedy soon became fair game for Mort Sahl's savage wit. He still takes more risks than any British comedian, or even Pi-ivate Eye. Sahl's latest book, "Heartland," is a continuous monologue in which the FBI and CIA are blasted with deadly and accurate humour, the Kennedy assassination is examined in absorbing detail, and in which Sahl justifies his belief that no subject was too sacred to be kidded. In short, Moit Sahl warrants your attention both as a world class entertainer and as a man who really does have something to say. LSE Ents are bringing you this exclusive opportunity to experience him in action oa Monday, February 14th at 8.00 p.m. Tickets are £1.60 in advance froni the Union Shop (£1.30 on presentation of a ^'alid LSE NUB Card), or ,£2.00 on the night. Phylis April-King's subtle blend of poetry and humour wiii complete the evening's entertainment. See our advertisement in The Sunday Times for more details . . . ! Andy Cornwell. Exclusives ROY HARPER WITH the exact details currently being finalised, this unique chance to witness the sheer power of an artist of Harper's calibre is set for the last week in February. Even though other colleges with a date on his tour are paying around £600, LSE Ents. has been offered ROY HARPER & CHIPS free In return for allowing the concert to be filmed for screening on television ! Since this must be a scrictly internal concert (with the exception of one hundred invited members of the press media and music business) only LSE students \yill be given the opportunity to pick up free advance tickets from S.118. An example of the man's status is that he is expected to sell out the 2,800-seater New Victoria Theatre at up to £3.00 a ticket next month! After an emotional 18-month exile in the USA, Harper is back with a new band called CHIPS. Musicians include Henry McCullough (ex-Wings), Andy Roberts (ex-Plainsong), Dave Lawsor. (ex-Green-slade), Dave Cochran (a remainder from Trigger), and John Halsey iHinkiey's Heroes and Fatso). Roy Hai*per is rated a world class acoustic guitarist but his essence lies in his ability t® produce songs of frightening intensity and depth. Ej borders on the brink of insanity and genius and hence his live per-foimances have gained a reputation for being unpredictable and erratic. The Old Theatre should pro^ vide the kind of intimate atmosphere on which he thrives and should enable the audience to experience the energy and conviction of Harper at his best. The Lord's Prayer (1973) was intended as a last will and testament following his grave illness soon after completion of the film "Made," whilst a work such as "Twelve Hours of Sunset" was recently given full orchestral treatment by David Bedford at the Albert Hall. Roy Harper has played significant roles in the respective careers of Pink Floyd and Led Zeppelin and he commands the respect of many contemporary artists. Lyrically he is always pushing ideas to the limit, arguably displaying megalomaniac ambitions. He tackles politics, religion, western civilisation, social evils and love from a unique stanc