* fWOMIC SOffld
18JIIJ J99g'
NEWSPAPER OF THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS STUDENTS' UNION
No. 112
NOVEMBER 11th, 1971
NEW CONSTITUTION FOR UNION
DY an overwhelming majority, Union decided, at its meeting on Friday, October 22, to adopt the Socialist Society's proposed Union Constitution.
According to the proposers of the motion. Bob Dent and Nigel Wilmott, the argument for a new constitution was, firstly, that the present structure of Union was undemocratic and, secondly, that Union was, in the last analysis, controlled by the School.
Concerning the democratic structure of Union, the proposers pointed out that Union Council was not recallable, that the execution of all political and administrative affairs was in its hands, and that it was elected by a ballot-box constituency, whereas the policy it was expected to execute was formulated by a different constituency, the actual Union meetings.
The office of President also came under attack. The President is similarly not recallable, he permanently chairs both Union and Council meeting, he is given an office and an expense allowance, and is entitled to a sabbatical year. All these benefits, it was claimed, gave undue privilege, influence and power to the President.
The new Constitution abolishes the office of President and replaces the Council with a Political Committee of six, three of whom are elected each term.
This committee is to be
elected and recallable directly through the Union meeting. Its function is to act as the political executive of Union. The day-to-day ' administration of the bar, shop Welfare, Ents. etc. is the responsibility of open committees who elect a Chairman from amongst them to report directly to Union.
FLEXIBILITY Several procedural changes were also proposed whose purpose was to increase the flexibility of Union business. For example, the quorum would be reduced to 100, the length of notice required for motions
MARCH AGAINST INTERNMENT
QVER 25,000 Irish men and women, workers and students marched' on Sunday from the suburbs to the centre of London to register their outrage over the British military involvement in Northern Ireland.
The march included a mass intermediate gathering at Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park where the crowd, which had begun the day in any of several marches starting at Archway and Hammersmith and Kilburn, drew so many supporters that the loudspeaking equipment provided by the Anti-Intern-ment League proved inadequate for the occasion.
At Hyde Park, where the crowds stretched as far as the eye could see, demonstrators were told of the brutalising experiences of the Northern Irish opposition elements under British Army occupation and internment. Under the several Special Powers Acts disinterred by the Stormont (Northern Ireland) government since Harold Wilson first called in the troops in August 1969, nearly every Irish man or woman who
would be shortened, and the procedure for taking recounts would be clarified. Union is to be chaired by a Chairman elected each term.
The proposers of the motion maintained that although the procedural changes were ¦ important the crucial issue at this stage lay in the second argument about the relation between the School and the Union.
They pointed out that any change in the old constitution had to be ratified by the School, that the Director had the power of veto over Union Council appointments, and that he could refuse to allow Union Societies to function.
The School had control over all matters of Union finance. It had always refused to "open the books" and was at this very time withholding Union funds until the Government had clarified its position on Student Union finances.
INDEPENDENCE
Supporters of the new Constitution claimed that acceptance of it would be the first step towards making the Union independent. The powers of the School to veto, ratify, recognise, or refuse to recognise, would be abolished. This aspect of the Constitution was seen as crucial and one which would require a united determined effort on the part of students to achieve.
None of the speakers were against the underlying principles of the proposed Constitution although several objected to specific clauses. Dave Wynne thought that the Objects Clause should be amended and that the financial clauses should be changed to give more weight to the autonomy argument. Andy Milner was unhappy with the proposed structure of administrative committees. John Andrews was against the principle of electing the executive from a Union meeting. One speaker implied that the whole thing was a plot by Socialist Society in order to manipulate Student Union affairs.
Nick Spurrier pointed out that there was no wi-itten provision in the proposed Constitution for recalling members of the Political Committee. The proposers agreed that a mistake had been made and an amendment was drafted and carried immediately.
It became clear that there was no objection in principle to the motion and the motion was carried by 211 votes to 4.
OAJION iSACoRRfPr
CRATlC jSTBRjUS AWC> U (SI>eMocK/ST I C OROfVNis ATIC>N! AND I
TO	i-oe-efTj
The situation at present is that Union has now adopted a new Constitution which it is constitutionally unable to operate without the consent of the Court of Governors. The Court meets on December 16th, and Union has given them imtil this date to consider the new Constitution. Union Council has undertaken to circulate a copy of this document to all the Governors, well before that date.
Meanwhile copies are also available at the UnioR 0£6ce and amendment to the new Constiu-tion can be moved and debated in Union.
BOB DENT
" No comment," was the Director's reply when we rang him recently for his opinion on Union's new Constitution.
is vocal in his or her opposition to the occupation forces or the political chicanery of the Protestant majority, is considered an opposition element and thusly may be singled out for arrest or internment.
From Hyde Park the marchers, divided in the ranks of their specific sympathetic organisations which varied from local T.U.C. unions to International Socialist Leagues and in at least one case a tavern football club, marched down Oxford Street and through the city to Whitehall. Here they were addressed by several more of the Anti-Internment League organisers, as well as M.P.s Bernadette Devlin and Frank McManus. Paddy Hamlin, representative of the provisional, or fighting, wing of the I.R.A. cautioned the crowd, which grew a bit restless at times, to watch for the work of agent provocateurs amongst themselves.
In his brief speech Frank McManus told the crowd that "there will be no peace in Northern Ireland until the 22

m
counties are put together into one united Ireland." The speakers consistently emphasised that the six counties of Northern Ireland have been kept separate from the Southern 26 counties out of British concern over capital and land interests in the north, who have also systematically denied the Catholics through precinct gerrymandering and property qualifications for voting.
Bernadette Devlin ("the girl
whose honesty, vision and courage have made her the most talked-about person in Irish politics in a long time"—"Express," April 19th, 1969) riveted the crowd with her denunciation of the "lying British Press", the object of a very successful demonstration down Fleet Street by over 500 anti-intern-ment advocates last week which earned not a mention at all in most London papers.
Miss Devlin recalled specifi-
cally the recent case of a Belfast truck driver, returning from work, whose vehicle backfired while pulling away from a company of British troops, who shot the man in the back of the head.
"The man," Miss Devlin recalled, "was posthumously labelled an I.R.A. terrorist, and the British Press persisted in this story, even after they knew the true story,"
STUART MADDEN
BEAVER, Nov. lltli, 1971—Page Two
Opportunities for Graduates in the Probation and After-Care Service
If you are concerned about people, would you like to offer a professional service to the community and face the challenge of helping offenders and their families ? The probation and after-care service offers real opportunities for young men and women graduates. This is demanding but satisfying work which calls for an unusually high degree of initiative and personal responsibility if effective help is to be given to a wide variety of people. Training before and after entry helps the new officer to develop his skill and confidence in dealing with difficult problems of human relationships.
Career prospects are good and there are opportunities in an expanding service for work connected with research, training and administration.
There are vacancies for trained probation officers in most parts of England and Wales. Training combines academic and practical work, and lasts between seventeen months and two years according to the course chosen. If, however, your degree is in social studies or allied subjects you can complete training in less than a year. You will be treated during training as a trainee employee of the probation after-care service and paid a salary.
For fuller information write or telephone:
CHARLES DODD (University Liaison Officer)
Inner London Probation and After-Care Area,
350 Old Street, London, EClV 9NB Telephone : 739 4761
INTERNMENT Before and after
BEAVER, Nov. Uth. 1971—Page Three
true nature of internment in Northern Ireland is at last slowly coming to light with the recent allegations in the "Sunday Times" of brainwashing and the wide use of disorientation techniques. All good liberals everywhere are honestly upset. It is, they think, unBritish and anti-liberal. This is precisely what internment is not.
What we are seeing in Northern Ireland, behind the mist of lies and blatant censorship in the mass media, is the "democratic state" revealing the other side of its normally placid face, a side which is revealed more often than not in Ulster.
One side merely compliments the other ; it does not contradict it.
GLASS-ANTAGONISM
Violence and the threat of it are the principles on which so-called democratic states are ¦ built, for the state—any state— is the expression of irreconcili-able class-antagonism in society.
The state is the tool by which the ruling-class ensures its continued hegenomy over the rest of society. When its rule is threatened, all the forces of violence at its disposal are mobilised and put into acting.
In Northern Ireland we have seen the steady build-up of the forces of the state against its opponents.
First, the police subdued oppositional forces, backed by the courts and prisons. But the
police were defeated : Bogside, August 1969.
The second-ranks of state power moved in—the "B" Specials, followed rapidly by the army itself.
INVESTMENTS
If in the beginning, the army gave the appearance of protecting Catholics from sectarian attack, this was because at that time it was in the immediate interests of the ruling-class to normalise the situation by appeasing the Catholic reformists and thus preventing the trouble from spreading to the South where Britain has more investments and a bigger trade than with the North.
In fact, Ireland as a whole is Britain's second biggest trading partner—second only to the U.S.
"B" Specials, being 100 per cent Orange sectarians, could not fulfil such a role, and were swept aside. The long-term role of the army was still the same— to preserve the capitalist interest in Ireland as a whole.
Initially this meant confrontation with the extremist Unionists who opposed the necessary reforms. In October 1969 the army fought a long and bitter gun-battle with Protestants in the Shankhill Road, killing many.
But it was soon realised that the state structure could not be normalised. The Catholic masses had been threatened by the very existence of that state. Their Struggle demanded its over-
throw. On the other hand, the majority of Protestants refused to allow the normalisation process to proceed, and it was obvious that the forces of the state would come down hardest on those who most threatened it.
The army's role changed as realisation of the real nature of the problem seeped through. From self - professed guardians of the oppressed minority, they were soon transformed into its most deadly enemy. At first the policy was one of longhaul : snatch-squads making a small number of arrests, largely unsuccessful gun searches in the ghettoes, etc.
But the pattern of violence was re-emerging. The ghetto areas were being brutalised and terrorised as the army, increasingly pressurised from the right, stepped up its campaign.
Naturally, the ghetto areas mobilised for their self-defence. Guns were urgently needed. The I.RA. (which had never previously enjoyed active mass support among Catholic workers in the North) immediately filled the gap—not, as is often mistakenly believed, as an outside force—but as the self-organisation of the Catholic people themselves.
This determination on the part of the Catholic masses to resist oppression posed a further serious threat to the already unstable regime.
The right-wing. Unionists increased their demands for more severe repressibrt, threatening
all the time to have-a-go themselves if the state would not act for them. This right-wing pressure which had brought down two Prime Ministers in as many years, now threatened a third.
In a last desperate attempt to appease the right-wing and prop up the Stormont state, internment was finally agreed to and the long-haul policy, which had already begun to crumble, was swept aside in favour of what it was hoped would be a swift, if bloody, stab at the heart of the beast.
It was imagined that internment of the political and organisational leaders would leave the actual gunmen directionless; would bring them out to the open and thus enable the army to smash them once and for all. Law and order would be reestablished, and the right-wing would have lost the main plank in their platform.
Since it was introduced, the violence and killing have increased tragically. The death toll rises day by day. To meet the increased resistance of a risen people, the army is forced to use increasingly brutal methods. Army gunmen unleash their deadly bullets at unarmed civilians at the slightest provocation. Everyone killed—man, woman, or child—is immediately labelled as a terrorist; the media take up the hue and cry accepting every word the army tells them. Evidence is never presented, and all good liberals are again no doubt pained.
But that is not the crux of the matter. The daily killing of the people in the North is part and parcel of the state structure. Individual trigger-happy soldiers are not to blame. The army functions as the last line of defence for the capitalist interests in Ireland. Killing people is after all the prime function of any army.
The struggle has taken a new and more threatening turn. Internment was opposed by industrial action followed by rent and rates strikes. Such action was made possible only by the existence of a tremendous feeling of strength and self-confidence, which the Catholics have gained in struggles over recent years.
The increasing irrelevance of the moderate constitutionalists, like Hume and Fitt, is signalled by the growing self-reliance and a turn to more sharply-defined class-politics on the part of the struggling workers.
The aim now must be for a mass-based revolutionary socialist party capable of uniting all the elements threatened and exploited by imperialism and capitalism—including the Protestant working-class and the workers of the South; the smashing of both states. North and South, and the creation of the Socialist Workers' Republic.
PADDY CONNOLLY [The next "Agitator" contains more in-depth analysis of the Irish question..!
A role for the Socialist student?
ANY theories have been put forward as to the role of students in a revolutionary situation. After the experience of France in 1968, Marcuse saw them as the spark for revolutionary upheaval in developed Western societies. This may be an exaggeration, but the activity of '68 leaves many problems for both right and left.
Firstly, in many places general disorder did follow student unrest and, more importantly, the movement was of an international nature. Unrest in one country quickly spread to another and showed similar manifestations whether in Tokyo, Prague, Paris or San Francisco.
Perhaps the biggest shock was not the movement in France— which has a revolutionary student tradition—but the appearance of a nascent student socialist movement in Britain and America, where students had never before played any significant role.
In all these countries 1968 represented the spontaneous eruption of long repressed feelings and antagonisms, whether against American Imperialism, Stalinism, Gaullism or Vietnam; the first serious attack from within these societies for many years. Monopoly capitalism, and its bastard son, state capitalism, were forced onto the defensive.
International capitalism is now on the offensive and attempting to crush all antagonistic groups. Students, like other social groups, must play a defensive role against attempts by the British ruling-class to force it into conformity.
British capitalism has faced its own particular problems. In the late 'sixties, years of stagnation—coupled with trades union militancy—finally cut into profit margins, to the extent that the proportion of G.N.P. going to profits fell quite seriously.
In a system depending upon the private investment of wealth, this put the whole system in jeopardy. Both the funds and the willingness to invest were lacking. The bourgeois economists were quite open about what had to be done: the living standards of wage-earners must be cut back so that profit margins could be increased, thus making funds available once more for investment. It is this simple analysis —quite correct in terms of the capitalist system—which has decided the whole range of Government policy since devaluation.
The Labour government initiated every policy which the Tories have taken up and extended. After devaluation they accepted a policy of deliberately increasing unemployment and cutting welfare benefits. Under the Tories this paring down of the welfare services became openly, selectivity. At the behest of notable economists such as LSE's Alan Day (writing in the 'Observer'), the climate was generally cleared for mass unemployment. It was, these men said—with a brief sigh for the consequences —the only policy decision left which could cure inflation. And, after, all, the workers had brought it upon themselves by demanding high wages, is the argument.
It is obvious both these policies cut directly the proportion of G.N.P. going to the workers as a class.
The logical concommitant of this is that the government must be able to carry out these policies, i.e. it must weaken the working - class organisation which has forced the concessions of a full-employment economy and a welfare state. The Industrial Relations Act attempts to do just this. It works hand in hand with the deliberate creation of unemployment. A direct attack on trade
union organisations weakens their ability to oppose unemployment. Unemployment, by increasing the supply of labour, undermines the bargaining position of organised labour. Even if the main clauses of this Act are inoperable, it has already served its chief purpose.
The other tactic to weaken the opposition is one of divide and rule. This has meant the accentuation of the role of what Baran and Sweezy call the "sub-proletariat".
The racist Immigration Bill isolates the immigrant population in its own specific circumstances, as does the selectivity in the social services, which creates a clearly definable group of lower-paid workers dependent upon charity.
The object is to persuade workers that it js these groups who are in fact responsible for our social ills. (The Catholics perform much the same role in Ulster, covering up unemployment figures of between 20 and 30 per cent in Belfast and Derry.
The Common Market falls into this strategy. What has been a long hope of British capitalism is now a desperate cure-all. With good reason. Entering the E.E,C. will immediately put up the price of necessities and therefore of the cost of living (according to the "Sunday Times" of October 24th) much more than was expected because of the cun-ency realignments.
As long as working-class organisations is weak—and the free flow of labour it is hoped will aid this— then, once again, the wage-proportion of G.N.P. can be forced down. This time no-one takes the blame: it is simply objective economic forces. Besides this, the British ruling-class holds out the sop of an absolute rise in G.N.P. to compensate for the actual cut.
On this, as on all the other policies, the Labour Party is trying like a contortionist to extricate itself from its history, and from the fact that it initiated and supported most of the policies of this Government.
The bourgeois Pi-ess likes to be-
lieve it has succeeded, so that the "Sunday Times" of October 17t.h can declare there is now an abyss separating the two partys' policies. It's still a too-easy jump across, unfortunately. Labour even maintains its complicity in the military suppression of the Irish Catholic working-class. That the next Labour government would or could be socialist is just a daydream.
Thus monopoly capitalism in crisis has to silence every kind of opposition. Along with its action, it has had to create an ideological justification: In this the universities play a central role. (Prof. Ben Robert was one of the most forceful architects of the Tories' Industrial Relations Act.) In general, they have been subjected to greater pressure to produce ideas and research only within the limits of the status quo. Those who oppose these ideas —Robin Blackburn, Dick Atkinson, Antony Arblaster, et al—have to go. Those who carry their words into action, like Bateson, Paul Hoch, the Cambridge u/graduates, have to be crushed. Students are increasingly subject to extra-legal academic and disciplinary regulations.
To discover the nature of the threat to students, we need to analyse briefly the nature of monopoly capital in relation to higher education. Monopoly capital needs skilled technicians to operate in the fields of mechanics, social engineering, and increasingly in the field of the mass media. The drive for profit breeds continual technical innovation in the form of more complex machinery and technology. This process creates great concentration and homogeneity in the population. Finally, the people have to be persuaded to consume the continual over-production of goods. Media engineers — advertisers, journalists, "entertainers", work to persuade us to accept the bewildering range of goods of the consumer society. The system demands of those technicians a strange kind of split personality: ". . . in one and the same person . . . zest for his job and indifference to its purpose, professional enterprise and social submission, power and responsibility over technical questions, of economic and social management."—(Andre Gorz.) The inefficiency and stagnation of British capitalism has resulted in
a churning out of surplus graduates from the forcing houses of "higher education". At present there is a 30 per cent rate of graduate unemployment. The consequence of this is that students in general become much more expendable. Especially post-graduates. The S.S.R.C. now-only gives grants to the "best" graduates, i.e. those who digested the ideology best and can be most easily directed into safe research.
In addition, we have the problems of the binary system and housing. The expansion of educational establishments through polys, and tech. colleges—the most vocational and thus the most tied to the system—has been halted. It is mainly the second tier who suffer the cutbacks in expenditure and conseijuent under-staffing and overcrowding. (Northern Poly, has a converted toilet for a seminar room.) Virtually no provision is made for accommodation and grants are much lower than for universities. For everybody housing is now a desperate problem. The universities do manage to relieve their position with halls, but for those looking for fiats not only has the housing demand meant a drastically short supply but rocketing prices—about 30 per cent-plus in two years.
Lastly, of course, in line with its general strategy, opposition to this deliberate worsening of standards has to be crushed. N.U.S. stUl shows little real sign that it will create an effective opposition to this Government. The important work for the Government is now to control the individual student unions, who might organise opposition. It is in anticipation of Government demands for the registration of student unions that the Administration of the School withholds our grants.
So why do we need a socialist student movement? Because students as a whole face worsening conditions socially and academically. Because the cause is originally linked with the nature of capitalist society (as, hopefully, has been demonstrated).
Only by an analysis of this society, with an appreciation of the real causes of the present situation, can effective action be taken. And let us not forget, as we are social scientists, that if conditions are worsening for us, the same causes are creating far more intolerable conditions for the low paid, the unemployed, the Immigrants and the Irish Catholics.
r
'^i^%EAVER, Xov. 11th, 1971—Page Four
nKmFiBEaanfi
\-—--pi . .
'^S lOfrfCAt A»*AL- pj\
•&A't*JATt or THeofteru^L Hyp. ¦' tjaTcTiriN/c fielMfr Ari^ -flTMeses.DuAssociATes	Z	^ ^
QP<MonsietriKEi.Y FKO« -> waRE,N_/»Tyfy»ti.y,/»£a/,r,WM considerations oFftwy
¦ 1»THl<.AL,
orMEKU'KC nature

;, THC-l NORM At i V e,THE. TWe 0«er/V*' ' -^A «ORAUisrtc,»K^,^"J*+ere(iHN.</*L^r«E!..
T'f*.AcricrtL >A^>^ W/y/A Z1
^1^ -a « O <3 <i-0 V ^ ^ (A
looB^n^ ria^^ rvo ^
AO o .'AO.r?'^ ->
weRE
IJ AW CXAflPtE THeoKgricAtcy,
oFCouAf m .
fJO (tl% <r>,<fi y^r\
^ f( oc
o dlii ^ io^/)
XC o ^
<9 OifT-C^ O 04kL0 ^ ^ ^ Wo "
^OCSi^OO'^O'^x.S
Obscenity
/"iNLY a small audience attended the OZ trial debate in the Old Theatre on October 28th, which turned rather rapidly into a slanging match between Festival of Light freaks Paul Cunningham and Jack Wallace, and Felix Dennis, who was supported by the vocal majority.
The discussion was disappointing to many for being fought on the Festival of Light's own ground. Most of us have no objection to 'hard-core" pornography (defined by Trevor Jones as that porn which gives you an erection—which is clear enough to half of the population), but we felt no need to justify it to Jesus fanatics who use Christianity to justify almost —all forms of social exploitation.
Jack Wallace was practically speechless when it was suggested that we live in a repressive, exploitative society—"The Law doesn't matter," he said. "Only your love for Jesus counts."
Felix Dennis was entertaining, but obsessed with proving that men are merely animals with an enlarged brain and that bestiality is justifiable and natural, which many who were present already took for granted.
Our time might have been more usefully spent if someone had raised some of the issues which OZ has discussed and campaigned for in the past. Dennis, Anderson and Neville were sentenced because their magazine consistently and irreverently attacked the antiquated mores of our "free" society—not because OZ is in any wav an obscene publication.
A.J.
Call BIT (229 8219) for information on the finale of the Trials of OZ. All three de-fendents face vicious jail sentences ; Neville also faces the possibility of deportation.
HOCH. DUTSCHKE, NEVILLE : THE ATTACK ON FOREIGN SCAPEGOATS WILL ONLY END WHEN WE BRING IT TO AN END.
FESTIVAL 71
At the time of writing, "Festival 71" has another four days to run, however the experience of the previous ten days does allow certain generalised comments to be made.
Initially, the organisers planned nothing in the way of "stunts", in the belief that there was neither the desire for their inclusion or the people prepared to participate. Prom the beginning of term it became obvious that we had miscalculated. Once the festival became publicised an increasing number of students came forward who were both prepared to organise and willing to take part in stunts. The belief that it was impossible for any stunt to be successful was so deeply ingrained in the second and third-year students that on almost every occasion we miscalculated the numbers of people that would turn up on the day: as it turned out every stunt had more than enough people taking part, and on average each raised something between £60 and £70.
The committee was also pleasantly surprised at the ease with which the magazine was sold, a tribute both to Steve Kerbel's organisation and to those selling the product. The success of the magazine underpinned our finances, paying for such items as posters and adverts.
JOHN ANDREWS
Bombs away
"JJICK, Dick, they've voted against us and those goddam Commies are dancing in the aisles!" the Ambassador sobbed hysterically.
"Control yourself, son." The President's voice was the temper of true steel, his eyes flashing but his brain cool, clear and precisely calculating—gone was the passionate politician of yesteryear, gone the Tricky Dicky of yesterday, the man's soul had transcended mere humanity and was aspiring majestically to the stellar stature of a George Patton or a Jim Brown.
"But what are we going to do?" Bush raved on, unheeding.
"Do ?" the President said,— "Do ? Well, let me make one thing perfectly clear. We have carefully weighed our commitments and interests in this affair, in the context of contemporary international strategy, and I and my advisors are firmly committed to expressing in the most mature way possible our deepest respect for the U.N. as an organisation devoted to international peace and welfare, and at the same time our disappointment and regret that our one-time friends and allies should treacherously stab us in the backand, he continued, his voice rising, "it is with a clear idea of what the hell I'm doing that I have decided to withdraw nine-eighths of U.S. financial support from that sold-out radic-lib Commie institution." "Oh goody, goody," said George.
"Wait a minute, George, you haven't heard the rest yet. I'm
gonna show some of 'em what I mean; I'm gonna H-bomb the Aleutians, George, blow 'em up, and drown the bastards in a tidal wave."
"The Alaskans and the Japs ? But—"
"No, no, the CHICOMS, dammit, boy!"
"But what about the penguins ?"
"... the penguins, son; the wave'll get Berkeley AND Chile; two more birds extinct with one stone! Think of it, boy, think of it! I'd tell you what else I had in mind but I gotta see a flick. ..."
"PATTON?" asked Bush resignedly.
"No, DOCTOR STRANGE-LOVE,"
Poem
IDEALIST
his hair
Shining and Auburn a degree slowly seeming to him to be now Less Important
under-cynical undergraduate a belief in Peace dear to him
his Suburban Mother putting away both cars Hopes
that his Peace will wear off in time for his Degree DON'T WORRY MOTHER IT WILL!
TIM DALY
(c)
Surprise
'¦THE newsletter of the Kingston and Richmond branch of the National Front contained an interesting item last month. The branch was adressed by an "interesting local personality," Mr. Isitt by name, described as a lecturer at the L.S.E., who spoke on "The undesirable economic aspects of a multi-racial society" and the "threat" to our national identity.
A quick study by "Beaver" established that Mr. Isitt was not on the L.S.E. academic staff list and that the Economics Department had never heard of him. A pseudonym ?
A.J.
While the L.S.E. Soc.Soc. contingent was walking in solitary splendour down Oxford Street last Sunday they were approached by a witty lad in the force who inquired about the identity of our leader. Since no obvious candidate has yet pushed himself forward, applications will be gratefully received via "Beaver" office.
The Festival-organised heats for "University Challenge" resulted in a rather strange team consisting of John Morton, Jules Ardouin, Andrew Milner and Mike Youngerwood. Fearless Festival personality John "Call me knacker" Andrews was reported to be unamused, describing the team as "unbalanced" and it is understood that he is planning a further heat with a team of his own choosing. QUOTE;
"All journalists are basically con-men, you know, excepting
surprise
those on 'The Times' and the B.B.C.; they're GENTLEMEN con-men."
—Mike Gabbert, Deputy Editor, "News of the World."
The following information should interest all those who claim that a substantial (or even significant) redistribution of wealth has occurred since the second world war.
In the years 1911-13 the top 1 per cent of the adult British population owned 65 per cent of all private property in Britain. In 1960, after nationalisation, two World Wars and the Welfare State had taken its toll, this proportion fell to 42 per cent. The actual figures, of course, disguise the enormous increase in absolute wealth during the same period.
When we look at the breakdown of property-ownership, the true picture emerges. The same old top 1 per cent of the population own 28 per cent of all land and buildings, 43 per cent of all net private capital, 42 per cent of government and municipal securities and 81 per cent of all company stocks and shares.
Among those who didn't make it into the top 1 per cent, the ton 5 per cent of the population own 75 per cent of all private capital and 96 per cent of all conmany shares. So much for the myth of the diffusion of shareholdings.
Roll on Socialism !
(Figures are taken from the "Bulletin of Oxford University Institute of Statistics" and J. E. Meade "Efficiency, Equality and the Ownership of Capital")
TQKD QNO
15 JULY PUBLICATION FROM
SPHERE BOOKS «
spHEne
DEPARTMENT NEWS
TN spite of a lot of chasing
around, this is all the copy we have been able to obtain from the departments. 'Beaver' would be grateful if people who are interested in becoming correspondents for their departments would contact one of the Editors for information. This feature could be very useful for spreading information to other students in your department and for putting pressure on teachers to change their ways.
WHERE NEXT—BLACKPOOL OR SOUTHEND?
Last Easter, to the accompaniment of a chorus of student complaints, the 2nd-year Geographers were compelled to waste a week of the vacations on a "field course" at Swansea.
These annual excursions into the unknown have caused much bad feeling within the department and will continue to do so until certain basic questions have been resolved.
The academic validity of the trips has been disputed by both stafE and students, while prior organisation has been noticeably absent, the general attitude prevailing being one of "Now we are here we must do something for the next seven days."
We suggest that if we are to have these field trips at all, they should at least be related to our courses and interests.
BOB COLEMAN
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS
The Trade Union Studies Group have joined the M.Sc. Industrial Relations and Personnel Management Groups in forming an Industrial Relations Society.
The general aim of the society is to provide a debating forum for members of the constituent groups. However, it is proposed to invite guest speakers and to open the proceedings to all members of the College. The Executive Committee of the Society is optimistic of being able to convince Jimmy Reid, the U.C.S. shop-steward, to address the first of these open meetings.
TONY HARRISON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
The International Relations Department is, as usual, doing nothing. Each individual continues to go his separate way and it has become necessary for the Grimshaw Club, the departmental society, to canvass for support in the second and third years. I am told by a reliable source that suggestions would be welcomed by Professor Northedge provided that they are relevant to the resuscitation of his department.
PHIL MURPHY
PHILOSOPHY
Hot news is that Mrs. Letwin (everybody's favourite candidate for the National Front) has "resigned", so there is no longer any moral and political philosophy taught at L.S.E. Maybe the philosophy taught by Mrs. Letwin is better for its absence, but it now means that those who want to see philosophy as a technical discipline divorced from all moral and political considerations, have taken a step nearer their goal. It hardly needs to be said this position is slightly incongruous in an institution dedicated to social science.
_ SOCIOLOGY
The Sociology Society has proposed alternative classes, which— all being well—should be starting any day now. Watch the notice-board in Room 100 for further information.
BEAVER, Nov. Hth, 1971—Page Five
CHLERDHR
Thursday, Nov. 11th—
1 p.m.: Ents. Meeting. S.118 1-2 p.m.: Labour Soc. Sid Bidwell: "Labour Party and Socialism." C.018.
Friday, November 12th—
1 p.m.: Soc. Soc. Meeting.
(Check notices).
November 12th - 14th—
Sociol. Soc. Weekend Conference : "Liberation."
(See Union Office).
1-2 p.m.: Free Legal Aid. SIOIA.
Saturday, November 13th—
7.45 - 11.30 p.m.: Terry Reid, Jude. 55p. O.T. and Refec. .
Monday, November 15th —
1-2 p.m. Gay Lib. F. S.067.
1-2 p.m.: Free Legal Aid. SIOIA,
Tuesday, November 16th—
4.30 p.m.: Hist. Soc. W. G. Beasley : "Origins of
Japanese Imperialism." Room 45.
12 noon: Con. Soc. B. Weatherill: "Whips and
Whipping." O.T.
7 p.m.: Film Soc. "Les Biches." O.T.
1	p.m.: Tuesday Alt. Political Sociology. Room 100.
Wednesday, November 17th—
2	p.m. : Drama Soc. Comedy. "Union Council."
SIOIA.
Thursday, November 18th—
1-2 p.m.: Labour Soc. E. Roberts. "Workers'
Control." C018.
1 p.m.: Ents. Meeting. S.118.
Friday, November 19th—
1-2 p.m.; Free Legal Aid. S.IOIA,
1	p.m.; Soc. Soc. Meeting. (See notices).
Monday, November 22nd—
12 noon : Gay Lib. Front. S.067.
4.30 p.m.: Tawney Soc. Anna Davin. "Factory
Girls—19th Cen. Women in Ind." Room 404. 1-2 p.m.: Free Legal Aid. S.IOIA.
Tuesday, November 23rd—
1-2 p.m.: Con. Soc. Geoffrey Howe (Solicitor-General) . "Have we got the Legal System we deserve ?" O.T.
Wednesday, November 24th—
2	p.m.: Drama Soc. Comedy. "Union Coimcil."
S.IOIA.
Thursday, November 25th—
1 p.m.: Ents. Meeting. S.118.
Friday, November 26th—t
Nov. 26th - 27th: Politics of Psychology Conference. L.S.E. Watch Notices.
1-2 p.m.: Free Legal Aid. S.IOIA,
1 p.m.: Soc. Soc. Meeting.^(See notices).
Saturday, November 27th—
Stone-the-crows, Freedom.
e your grant
gofurther
More than ever it pays t&
And enjoy the built-in Bonuses 1 Motorway Speed 2 Maximum Economy 3 Guaranteed Seat Through and connecting services from all parts. Ask your Travel Agent or Local Bus Company ftir full details.
FROM
BEAVER, Nov. 11th, 1971—Page Six
THE ATHLETIC UNION PAGE
NO FLOWERS FOR RAY
A TRAGEDY IN THREE PARTS
^/AROOMSH ! Ripping of » nets. Furious applause and thunderous accolades. Just some of the twice-week-ly thrills to be had cheaply in the soccer club.
Even if you can't play football (like the other 66 of us), ready promotion is offered to the^ man with a good right arm. Yes, in the soccer club, with the world at your feet and a pint in your hand, you can escape the pseudo atmosphere of the LSE and meet the real people.
PROMOTION For those actually interested in playing, we have four league sides and two non-league teams. The 1st XI, wisely led, as ever, by Wigan-wonder, John Aspi-nall, crashed 1—2 to Chelsea
College. In the course of the game that maestro of the training session, Ray Potter, disallowed two L.S.E. goals. Ray is now on display in wards three, four and five of University College Hospital.
The 2nd XI, brilliantly led by yours truly, have won three matches in a row, scoring 14 goals and conceding five. Providing they can keep up their high standard of debauchery, filthy jokes and elbow movement, they look set for promotion.
TRAINING
The thirds and fourths, captained respectively by Harold (take-it-seriously) Collin and Brummie Bryn Jones have the makings of good sides, but desperately need more support, especially for Saturdays.
Fixtures are being sought for the fifth team so all those who
have not played so far should not despair. Training sessions are held for all sides in the gym on Monday from four to six under the inscrutable eyes of Ray Potter.
Mention must be made of the newest arrival on the L.S.E. soccer scene, the L.S.E. Dyna-moes (variously Piss-pots, Strollers, Wankers). This deviant association, like the Phoenix, rose from the ashes of a ten-goal defeat to win two superb victories.
VICTORY
Most recently, this anarchical band, led by two coarsegrained, gritty Northern lads, crushed Imperial College VII's by two broken legs, one hernia and an assortment of minor abrasions to one broken nose (four goals were scored, quite incidentally).
ABANDONING HOPE
TTHE erstwhile calm in
' which the Athletic Union has rested, seemingly immune to the internecine feuding of Union politics, has been shattered in the first few weeks of term by several restless forces.
Firstly, we lost our noble President. The resultant confusion had hardly worked its way out of room S110 when the spectre of the Annual Budget Meeting loomed large. Club budgets were drastically pruned but the Executive was nevertheless confronted with an obvious projected deficit. The causes of this seem to be rising costs in entrance fees, subscriptions, rents and transport.
Immediately, the officers of the Athletic Union sought
audience with the Director. In the course of the ensuing meeting, the arguments for an increased Athletic Union grant were given in detail and estimates presented.
The outcome was in fact rather disappointing. We would have to await the verdict of the Court of Governors Standing Committee. (At the time of writing this meeting has yet to take place).
SECONDS OUT: ROUND 1
The bargaining with the Director seemed rather sedate compared to the inter-executive squabbling during the Budget Meeting and the subsequent executive meeting,
A division manifested itself between the small membership (high budget clubs) and the large membership (lower budget clubs). Arguments of per capita bases for club budgets were set up, knocked down and put forward in other guises. A proposed large capital expenditure
for a glider was defeated with an air almost of vindictiveness.
HELP
Proposals for carving up the capital account and altering the travelling expenses schedules, still to be discussed, seem to stem from recrimination on the part of some clubs, rather than from the desire to help the Athletic Union out of its present difficulty by a concerted action. The events of the recent weeks have also put the impartiality of the Athletic Union officers under pressure.
The final chaos has not been helped by lassitude on the part of our former treasurer, Kevin Carroll who, nevertheless, deserves praise for tackling such a difficult job.
Owing to lack of nominations, no elections for the post occurred and Bryan Smith (pride of the mountaineering club) was summarily appointed as treasurer.
SAM HAZELY
JEWELLERY AND WATCHES
20% -25% DISCOUNT to all NUS members and University staff DIAMOND ENGAGEMENT RINGS. Gold—Wedding and Signet Rings. Gold and Sliver—C,igarette Cases. Powder Boxes. Bracelets. Necklaces, Charms Brooches Earclips, Links. Silver and E.P.N.S. Tea-sets, etc. 10% - 20% DISCOUNT to ail NUS members and University staff on all Branded Goods—All Swiss Watches, Clocks, Cutlery, Pens, Lighters etc.
and on ail Second-hand Jewellery.	' '*
Remodelling and repairs to all jewellery and repairs to watches
GEORGES & CO. of Hatton Garden
(Entrance In Grevllle Street only) 88/90 HATTON GARDEN, E.C.I.
Showroom Open Weekdays 9-6, Saturday 9-12 Special attention to orders by post or 'phone; 01-405 0700/6431
SIMMONDS
UNIVERSITY BOOKSELLERS
Our shop is not the biggest in London, but it is among the best. And it's a. place where you will obtain individual attention.
16 FLEET STREET LONDON, E.C.4
(opp. Chancery Lane) 353 3907
lind Obit
^FTER our sad loss (obituary last issue) of last year, we now have to inform the Athletic Union that our Men's Hockey Club has now left us for better things.
What has happened to our young and virile captain—Sam (the Ram) Singh ? Surely there must be enough people in L.S.E. who are prepared to get this club off the ground and make it one of the great stick swingers of London.
Come up to the Athletic Union and we'll try to bring you back to life.
THIS
IS A
SPACE
because no-one has made use of the classified ads, service.
This service is completely free to all students of the College. Ads can take up to ten lines of "Beaver"' print. They can be for accommodation, books, services, anything. Don't waste time and patience with the ads. board in St. Clements, bring all ads. to the "Beaver" offices.
A

Rugby Club's revenge
^FTER last season's rather disappointing results, this season's victories taste sweet.
The 1st XV, still unbeaten, look very strong as Surrey University, Regent St, Poly and Chelsea found out.
Then, on October 23rd, St, Catherine's, Oxford, fell prey to the L.S.E. 1st XV (now nicknamed the Manx Cats). The total score so far is 101—13.
SCORE
The others sides, not to be
outshone, have also scored heavily. Their aggregate score totals 153-66.
Welsh piss-artists still rule the bar led by Gareth Davies, Iwan Morgan and Ian Edwards; however, Graham ("All-right") Leather, Rob ("Pain") Webb and Chris ("Fingers") Whelan are threatening a coup
Anybody interested in being called to the "bar" should sign up now, since in December the club has a subsidised visit to France. Up with "Meg Vannin."
Students: get thellstener'ot ^p off. You1l be the richer for it.
As a student, you're entitled to take full advantage of this generous concession.
Every week The Listener' gives you an unbiased, factual account of the news and the background to the news. It selects and presents the best of the week's BBC broadcasting. And it pays special attention to the arts, with book, film and dranna reviews, and a first-class music section.
For all this, you pay only 5p a copy—so you can afford to be well-informed.
T o take advantage of the special concession scheme, just fill in and return the coupon below.
r
To: Circulation Manager, BBC Publications, 35 Marylebone High Street, London Wl M 4AA" . . Please register me for 'The Listener' student concession scheme, I will place a regular order with my newsagent . at 9p per copy. Each term (or at intervals of up to one year) I will send you the newsagent's receipted account, and claim my rebate of 4p per copy.
Name (blocl< letters please)_
Home Address
I am a full-time student at
"1
University/College/Polytechnic etc.
I
Signed
Date
I The Listener/£7/£7i^ |
2A
beaver, Nov. 11th, 1971—Page Seven
COMMENT
^NION passed by an overwhelming majority a proposal to accept a new Constitution. This Constitution aims to give political and financial autonomy to Union—for too long the toady of the School authorities.
Political autonomy is easily achieved, but empty without a similar financial independence. Whatever the political structure of Union, the School could still rule it by manipulation of the purse-strings. We in SocSoc think that we are legally entitled to all the money that the L.E.A.s pay out for student union fees.
The present situation is that the School withholds some two-thirds of the Union fees for "expenses" (the exact figure is not known). Kent University and North-Western Poly both took their administrations to Court earlier this year to i-ecover money withheld by them. Both suits were successful. If necessary, our Union could take a similar course.
Hopefully, by the time you read this, the SocSoc slate of candidates will have been elected to office. Their first job must be to demand to see the books containing the financial position of Union. No amount of pleading and pressure had yet yielded any of this information from the School. What are they so afraid of ?
, After putting all the infoi-mation available before Union, Council should make positive proposals for financial independence—if necessary, declaring U.D.I.
But electing people to Union Council is not sufficient to achieve independence. They cannot give it to us, we must take it. We must be prepared for a long, hard struggle to achieve true independence and a democratic Union. We have played the Governoi-s' game too long.
M.W.
LETTERS
I \EAR EDITOR,—^The question being asked by some people at the LSE at the moment is "Who is running the Union?". Ian Camlett having implored by many to remain as President has abdicated. The strength of a guiding hand is now being sorely missed and into this vacuum has jumped a bunch of pathetic, ignominious, faceless and Conservative bureaucrats.
Camlett having gone, they have begun to get delusions of grandeur, and it is now time to expose these self - seeking and petty - minded bureaucrats to the ordinaiy students whose affairs they are aiming to control.
In my view there are two main offenders; Firstly there is the Big Bossman, John Andrews (otherwise known as "Mr. Plod of M.I.6). Andrews' main claim to fame is the all-important position of Publicity Officer to the Union. Who appointed him, when and why. seems to be the big mystery of LSE.
He seems to regard himself as de facto President of the Union. This ex-Junior scoutmaster walks around the first floor of St. Clement's as if he owns it. Having no regard for elections or democratic processes since he failed two years ago to be elected onto Council, he and his accomplices decided to hold a "rag" (no-one in their right mind could call it a Festival), without consulting or a.sking the members of the Students' Union.
He regards any critics of the "rag" as nonentities or insignificant and, to my knowledge, he has Festival" (his words, not mine). If anyone deserves the title of being insignificant it is John Andrews. It is about time that this "muddle-headed", egotistical, and pig-headed
Practise what you preach
L.S.E. is, in itself, a challenge to society. By its very nature and purpose it must always be regarded as a critical body raising awkward questions about the nature of society, the nature of authority, the nature of the economic system.
Dr. Walter Adams to the "Daily Telegraph," January 25th, 1969;
Walter's myth of the L.S.E. "as a critical body raising awkward questions" was exposed by the students in each major campaign of the 1968-69 school year.
Vietnam, Rhodesia, the gates, the sackings of Bateson and Blackburn: every struggle to relate "awkward questions" to direct action, to put theory into practice, was met with repression—whether in the form of uniformed or plainclothes police, court injunctions, directives, suspensions or whatever.
Some efforts were made in 1969-70 to continue the struggle against the naked authority of the Board of Governors and the interests which they were shown to represent. But the victimisation of Hoch, Gillespie and Brayshaw at the very be" ginning of the year and the' vicious sentences which they received were not fought against by a united mass student movement.
Though radical opposition has not been dead since then.
neither have we been in a position of strength. Last year no sustained campaign was carried out; the only mass action that laid bare the fist so often hidden in the velvet glove of liberalism was the Houghton Street demonstrations, which ended after more than 20 students had been arrested.
What have we learned ? Students expecting an environment where they can learn to develop their own ideas have found that instead they are being groomed as managers and skilled technicians, being educated in the "national interest" rather than their own. We have begun to challenge the content of the education here, of bourgeois social science based on the assumptions of capitalist society, which it serves and tacitly supports ; to posit change as opposed to stability, alienation and the means of overcoming it as opposed to socialisation and continued exploitation.
We have been able to raise the question of power in the university itself, both at the througjj, direct action with some sort of mass base.
Above all, we have learned that when we next confront our rulers we must be prepared and we must stick together. We have failed in the past to bring about the reality of L.S.E .as a democratic community controlled by those in it, and we may fail again and again before we succeed, but each time we will learn from our mistakes and build for the future.
It is time to start forward once more. Memories of times and peoples past will hardly suffice to present a true "challenge to society" ; only you and I can do that.
J.S.
fool realised that he has no authority at the LSE.
It is a well-known fact that people only tell him what they want to get around. No-one tells Andi'ews anything of importance. It is interesting to see Andrews making a fool of himself by repeating to the originator of some gossip the same story. It is time Mr. Andrews, that you put on your bicycle clips and rode off into the sunset, like you hero John Wayne does at the end of his films.
Next in order comes that Goeb-bels of the LSE, John Pisk. Never in the history of LSE has there been a V.P. so inept, so inefficient, so colourless, and so putrid. His weasel-like behaviour demeans a Council member much more than Trevor Jones' actions of which he was so critical. His hysterical letter in the last edition of "Beaver" in which he attacked Camlett and his supports (chiefly, I suspect, me) his supporters (chiefly, I suspect, me) was a last-gasp action designed to blame his failure on our illustrious ex-President.
He also said that Camlett was a last gasp action designed to ex-Pi-esident. He said that Camlett destroyed many people during his reign, so I asked Ian whom he believed his many victims were. Ian thought long and hard and could only think of one . . . Yes, you've guessed it—Fisk. Like his superhero, John Andrews, he is the cause of one of the greatest flops in LSE history—the "rag". As someone remarked; "If it were not for the helpers, no-one would be taking part at all".
If the "rag" makes a loss then, hopefully, Andrews and Fisk will keep their word and pay the debts out of their o\to pockets, rather than crawl into a Union meeting begging us to bail them out.
geoff ralton
Where I stand
JT'IVE people stood for the election as Editors of "Beaver." John Stathatos has been acting Editor since Liz Faulkner resigned in the last academic year.
The Union Council, comprising eight people at the time, interviewed candidates five hours later than scheduled. I personally felt more terrified than when I came for interview to get into L.S.E.
Four of the people who stood are now Associate Editors. Three of these are Soc. Soc. members. Soc. Soc., however, did not convene to see that these members stood on a common socialist platform. So what happens?
Under constitutional rules of the union, Rule 20, there must be an Editor. The Editor has stated however that she feels she is only the nominal Editor, and has no power over the other people who contribute to the paper.
This democratic process of controlling the newspaper will hopefully work, and will be advertised in ever.y issue.
I am a member of Soc. Soc., and also of the International Socialist organisation. I feel a student newspaper can be enjoyable to read, something that can be immediately useful to every student, and informative; I do not believe, however, that any paper anywhere is unbiased. I stand on a revolutionary platform, and will make this clear in any comment that I wTite.
I will not compromise on this, but I will not use my main ,iob, that of sub-editing, to exclude the political views with which I disagree. I reserve the right to reply to those views, how-ever. where I think it is important.	r.h.
EDITORIAL STAFF
ROBIN WIDDISON. GEORGE FOY, ROSIE HURST, MAGGIE WELLINGS, SYD.
REPORTERS, CONTRIBUTORS, PROOF READERS,
SUBS;
JOHN PIGGOTT, MIKE MILLS, NIGEL WILMOH BOB DENT, LOUISE JACOB, ANDY JACKSON HAROLD JACKSON.
Printers ; Ripley Printers Ltd., Ripley, Derbyshire.
BEAVER Meetings : Tuesday at 1 p.m. in S.I 16.
TWO WEEKS
camrt^LSE	Muhamed Ali
came to LSE packed the O.T. to see Bernadette Devlin and Eamonn
McCann And even after Bernie left to return to her 24-hour vieil
ThS	students stayed on to the discussion and film
his could mark a new trend in education, with LSE becoming
thp	'"ade a rare appearance at
F n	the lunch-hour. Radiating good-fellowship he
oiled nearly every attempt to embarrass him. "God's in his heaven and all's right with the world," was his message.
Merm«id^Tlfp"J"	students set off from the School to the
Meimaid Theatre to join a large demonstration in protest acainst
Mr. ?n M . Stieet-hurlmg abuse at the newspaper offices-to No. m Natarally the Press didn't cover it. A sood time was had
Friday the 22nd: Great excitement in the left as the Uninn meeting approached. The Socialist Society's proposed Sn o^ Constitution was tabled for debate and much hun/on the outcZe
J"h leaflets urging their support. SocSoc
onstueht In T/ «"ticipation of a right-wing and moderate slaught. In the event, none came and the proposed Constitution was overwhelmingly accepted. One hopes this means that the majority of students are for it and not merely apathetic Question •
Sution''a^4rtVw^^"'	proposed Conl
f	Agenda was a motion of censure against
the Deputy President for his behaviour on Wednesday. It trans-
Un?n	delighted with Trevor s method of handling
Union Council and not at all perturbed at the danger Council ran ot being beaten-up on a lark night-some offers to assist Trevor in this task were given. John Stathatos struggled manfully to be heard over gales of laughter. Some took the situat^n more
the motion was carried with a large abstention. Similar entertainment spectacles are promo.sed for he next meeting. Will the Council escape the scourge of Jones'' Will tenor once again strike Florrie's extention ? Who is Jones really working for ? Don't miss the next exciting episode.
Monday the 25th : There is a rumour rife that John Morton is
on to the LSE team for University Challenge. Phil Murphy also
gained a place on the team for keeping better score than the Chair-msn.
Tuesday the 26th : Rats were set the task of eating bread-head effigies of L.onel and Walter, which gave them severe indigestioni Surely something more palatable could have been served—what have we got against rats, after all ? Some of my best friends, etc.
Wednesday the 27th: Three wise men descended on the New rheatre at lunchtime and held forth on the relative merits of
final score was: Chief Druid 5 Kabbi 2, Humanist 0. A return bout is scheduled for 1972
Two hunted people took part in the "silly walks" through the city later in the afternoon, 37 of whom were not aware that it was ^ competition. The walkaway winner was PC 9734 who had originally been detailed to find out what it was all about.'
Thursday the 28th ; A disgruntled reader of Beaver destroyed pait of the last edition. Don't take this way out! We will willingly give you space to vent your rage at Beaver—provided we set the copy on time.	^
Friday the 29th : Robert Carr played to a capacitv audience at lunchtime. His debut at LSE was the occasion of much jeerinc. His government's policy of higher food prices paid off handsomely since no vegetables were projected in his direction despite much piovocation. Can t Union finance the purchase of rotten tomatoes in case oi a return engagement ?
N^nday the 1st: The Angry Brigade scored a direct hit on the Post Office tower over the weekend, waking up students in Carr-Saunders Hall (some say for the first time). The police made an appeal to any members of the public who saw strange or suspicious persons in the neighbourhood of the P.O. tower on the Saturday evening. Since a fancy-dress Hallowe'en party was held that night at Carr-Saunders Hall, there was no shortage of wit--nesses.
Seven people were seen in the vicinity on the night in question wearing long black coats, tall hats, and carrying circular objects with the letters B-O-M-B stencilled on them. No less than 346 people are helping the police with their enquiries.
MAGGIE WELLINGS.
IHtAWER, Nov. lllh, 1971—Page Eight
IIEV3EWS
REVIEWS REVIEWS REVIEWS

Alternative books
9^>eorge Lichthein (Allan Lane, The Penguin Press, £1.80).
i^O concept in academic and political discussion is so \videly used, in the fields of tconomics, sociology, history and industrial relations, as imperialism, and yet no word has such a multiplicity of different and often contradictory meanings. Lichthein's book, "which is in fact no more than an extended essay, is an attempt to clarify some of the issues and re-state a theory of imperialism.
Lichthein attempts to deal ¦with imperialism- as a complex ¦^cial and ideological, as well as economic, structure. There are good chapters on the imperialism of Rome and the concept of Empire as transmitted to the .medieval and modern world. A good survey of the rise of capitalism and mercantalism, the development of the laissez-faire philosophy, and its replacement by the imperialism "proper" of the later nineteenth century. Anyone new to this subject could do worse than read this book as an introduction, before going on to deeper studies.
RESERVATIONS
Having recommended the book, I must, however, make clear my reservations, particularly Lichthein's cavalier approach to theory. His discussion of the debate in the Second International is not as extensive as that in T. Kemp's Theories of imperialism, and although he rightly points out that Lenin's .figures on investment overseas fey imperialist nations concealed the fact that most investment was in advanced, not backward, countries, he oversimplifies Lenin's position. Lichthein seems more concerned i^ith what some of Lenin's more simple-minded, would-be, disciples say than what Lenin said.
Throughout the book there is a confusion of Lenin and Stalin and it is stated that Lenin believed it was possible to build socialism in Russia and the rest of the backward countries, a view which Lichthein rightly characterises as absurd.
How then does Lichthein ex-jplain Lenin's statement in 1918 : "The complete victory of the Socialist Revolution in one country alone is inconceivable and demands the most active co-operation of at least several advanced countries, which do
not include Russia " ?
This view is not only the opposite of Stalin's "socialism in a single land," but is far removed from the "third-worldism" of many who claim to be Leninists.
Someone with as much knowledge as Lichthein of the v>7ork of Trotsky should not have made the elementary error of asserting that Trotskyists, along with Maoists, distinguish between oligarchic allies of imperialism and the national bourgeoisie who are progressive, when it was the fact of their refusal to accept the existence of such a "national bourgeoisie" that was the major cause of Trotsky and his followers being expelled from the Comintern.
LENIN
Lichthein's very correct statements about world politics, e.g. : "The Soviet Union has joined the ranks of the nuclear superpowers and seems bent on playing the imperial game at the expense of the third world''—a particularly apt statement as Russia prepares for an attack on China—are implied to refute Marxism, and particularly the revolutionary perspective of Lenin.
Lichthein, who is an expert in Marxism and has written several books on the subject, should know that Lenin saw the revolution in Russia as a combination of bourgeois (the productive forces in Russia were only ripe for Capitalist development) and socialist (the productive forces on the world scale were ripe for socialism) revolution.
Insofar as the revolution was confined within the borders of Russia, a regression towards capitalism was inevitable, with its restoration in the form of a bureaucratic state cartel. This is why the Russian regime apes imperialism, not just in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, but also at Yalta where "spheres of influence" were decided and Stalin attempted to get his hands on the former Italian colonies in North Africa.
Lichthein says that the book is part of a political discussion; it will be an important contribution if its only effect is to point out to socialists in the West the populist national-socialist nature of Maoism at a time when the Great Helmsman and his followers are busy aiding the suppression of the people of Ceylon and Bangla Desh.
HAROLD JACKSON
Cuba Val
Directed by FELIX GREENE Venus Cinema, Kentish Town.
J SAW CUBA VA! stone tired and had trouble keeping my eyes open. Not that Felix .-crreene's newest documentary isn't in a class above the usual propagandist rubbish we hear, see and read about Cuba in the mass media, but it is disappointing in comparison to his previous films, CHINA and INSIDE VIETNAIVI.
Greene writes that "this film does not address itself to Cuba's immediate problems but attempts to convey what is more permanent and lasting — the spirit of the Cuban people as it is reflected in their work, their music, their dance . . . and to show their enormous efforts as they build for themselves a wholly new future."
Within these self - imposed
limits, there is little in CUBA VA I which I would criticise. Cuba's example still gives strength and courage to revolutionaries throughout the Americas — indeed, throughout the world; surely few peoples have done more to deserve such a tribute to their struggles.
From Greene, however, I expected more than just a celebration of a people who have freed themselves from the economic slavery and psychological emasculation imposed by the master of the free world on all its colonies. He should not have failed to deal with past mistakes and present problems of the Cuban Revolution, to criticise the imperfect realisation of a New Man.
Still I Vv'ould urge you to go to see CUBA VA 1—but be sure to keep your eyes wide open, not just focused on the incomplete image before you.
J.H.

Edna: the inebriate woman
'¦J^DNA the Inebriate Woman," by Jeremy Sandford ("Cathy Come Home") was shown on B.B.C.-TV a week ago last Thursday. About the life of a woman dosser, it successfully portrayed the life of one of the many thousands who occupy the park benches, the subways and dosshouses of this country.
Sweat-soaked and haggard, Edna, inebriated, staggers into a magistrates' court, v;aving her arms and shouting in a petulant and pathetic voice: "I am not a vagrant, I'm not, I'm not."
Edna trying to be loved. Sixty-years-old, scaberous Edna, her face lined leather, her eyes bloodshot, her lips trembling. Hair shaven in a nuthouse clothes second-hand, proudly taken from a charitable gent's cast-ofi', she sniffs and stumbles drunkenly through the play.
Sleeping on heaps of boxes, newspapers for blankets. Edna meets the dregs and the lum-pens. "What did you do then ?" "Oh me, I used to be a road-sweeper for Camden Borough Council."
The druggies, the lesbians, the charitable nuns, the humanitarian social workers, the police. Magistrates, Social Security people, and transvestites. all are fitted into her life.
HORRORS
The dossers, the prostitutes, walking horor tales themselves, appear. There was a girl in a hostel talking about- life and why. she had ended up there : "It was my father you see, he never really liked me, but I remember being asked if I'd ever had intercourse, and I said I didn't know what it meant.
"They said 'had he taken his thing out and stuck it up me.'
They examined me and said I wasn't a virgin, so they took me away, but there wasn't enough room in the children's home so they put me in a remand home."
There was a prostitute who sucked her thumb, constantly hanging on to her new-found social worker "mother". Her face plastered in black makeup, she runs naked round the communal dormitory, exposing herself to a shocked Edna.
There was Josie Quinn, the "let's be friends" social worker, with a huge guilt complex and and a big heart, who runs a service for "down-and-outs" called "Jesus Saves.''
And there was Edna, putting on an outward show of self-sufficiency, screaming "Piss off" to every Social Security officer and representati\'e of the bureaucracy that she meets.
Edna who tries to slash her wrists and gas herself in an attempt to receive attention, and in her final throws of desperation suffers traumas; the horrifying memories of childhood. "Mummy, Mummy, I want you. Why, why did you leave ?" she sobs.
BEATINGS
A flashback follows showing Edna and her two sisters as young kids, watching the sexual activities of their parents, receiving beatings, Vv-atching a brutal father hitting their mother. "I never wanted the brats," Edna remembers her father saying.
He drinks all the money away and there is no food, so the mother leaves the children alone one night, to beg food. The kids are carted off to homes, and finally the mother abandons them.
There is one scene where Edna has arrived at the home.
She wets her bed and her face is washed in urine I'cr that crime.
On the streets again, Edna tells her companion that she has a child. "They took it away," she said.
"'I'm going this way," she adds, pointing her finger in a distant direction.
She turns and tramps down a long, murky road. It is cold and damp, she carries with her a few belongings, and murmurs as she goes, "I'm not a v^.grant, not me, I'm not."
Patricia Hayes played Edna. Jeremy Sandford, who wrote the play, talked on "Late Night Line-up" about it. He said that he had chosen a woman to play the part, as the public would have been more prejudiced against a man.
The inter\-iewer ended with a trite remark so often uttered by well - meaning liberals : "Something must be done."
Jeremy Sandford. v^ell- ^ spoken, described by D. A. N. Jones in the "Radio Times"' as "A Guards officer gone Bohemian," disguised himself as a down-and-out to get his material. He experienced some of the things Edna did h-mself.
"To call these people monsters,'' saj's the author, "or addicts, is just an easy way out. They are just you or me in a mess. They are inadequate only in so far as they cannot deal v.'ith an inadequate ?ciciety.'" There should be a ho.i-^ie for lonely individuals like Edna on every street, and not .'j . si one stinking doss-house to every borough.
But even that is only dealing with the question in the immediate. While society is "inadequate" there will ahvsys be Ednas.
ROSIE HORST
BEAVER. Nov. llth, 1971—Pagre Nine
The Lion at bay

i
STOP THAT, IT'S SILLY
The Policeman puzzled, looks in vain At Student Walkers' silly game, Demanding now the right to walk 'Tis surely some subversive quirk.
LSE DEBATE
"1^ SAY you chaps!" cries the rollicking ring-leader of the LSE reactionary rowdies. ¦ 'I hear there's going to be some people speaking in the old theatre."
Disapproving cries of "Silly ! Boring!" Two of the group faint.
The rollicking ring-leader resumes :
"No, but I've been thinking, you chaps, if you'll pardon the expression, how about a bit of fun ? Let's all go to the meeting !"
Cries of disbelief. Three members faint.
"No listen chaps, we won't talk ! We'll all shout some slogans I heard some people talking about in Florries, and we
getting the group song." cries the rollicking ling-leader, glee and merriment exuding from his fun-loving countenance.
The gi'oup immediately sobers up. and within minutes they have arranged themselves into some semblance of a circle.
A solemn, proudly bovine expression is on all their faces, and despite their ignorance of music they start their song. We are the lads of L.S.E.
Going for a wee.
Monkeys in a tree.
We all behave niost staidly Especially at the L.S.E.
It is a very moving scene.
"And now," squeaks the rollicking ringleader, his voice overcome with emotion, "our declaration of faith."
won't let the speakers we don't like, speak!"
Cries of amazement and delight and after 30 seconds a spontaneous chorus of 'He's a jolly good fellow !"
"And we can throw paper aeroplanes!"
CJproar, pandemonium, the reactionary rowdies can t believe their good fortune in having such a rollicking, fun-loving leader.
Several start drumming on the floor with their feet, and snorting through their nostrils, in their eagerness to gallop off to the Old Theatre and start the fun.
"Hold on you lot, you're for-
OVER the past year the Conservative Society has been working to close Houghton Street. The demonstration last year fortunately got plenty of favourable press coverage. The issue having received public attention, became urgent.
Alderman Sandord, the Conservative Chairman of Westminster City Council Highways Committee was approached by CON SOC with a request to close the street. He was given a report
"What do we stand for ?" he screams.
"Ignorance I" they shout back.
"What do we hate incst of all ¦?"
"Constructive exchange of views I" they chant, though not so loudly, as most are having difficulty with the long words.
The rollicking ringleader senses this, and finishes with an old favourite guaranteed to re-stoi'e the herd instinct.
"What do we do ?" he shrieks.
They recognise it, their faces light up again, sweating profusely, they shriek back :
'"Shout and throw paper aeroplanes !"
TOM HART.
of our reasons—which were mainly based on noise, pollution and safety.
His research into traffic proved that the street was not necessary for traffic movement. In September, his Committee made the recommendation to close. Last month the recommendation came before the full Council.
This time CON SOC put the case to individual Conservative councillors. The recommendation was passed by a large majority.
The case now goes to the
%
L.S.E. TEAM
The preliminary heats for an L.S.E. team to take part in "University Challenge" were held on Monday, October 25th, as part of the Festival programme.
The final team selected was Julian Ardouin. Andy Milner, John Morton and Phil Murphy. Dave Bennie was selected as first reserve.
Department of the Environment. CON SOC is already putting its case to the right quarters and we hope to be able to get a favourable result in the near future.
This case has been carried through its successive stages by the customary consultation and co-operation within the Conservative Partv.
JACQUES ARNOLD Chairman.
Soc Soc would like to extend its thanks to Con Soc for its efforts with Westminster City Council. It all goes to show that, where direct action is concerned, even Conservative councillors are amenable to pressure. ALL POWER TO DIRECT ACTION :
I^ORD ROBBINS talks with the Christian Societies.
The last time the Lion entered the den of Daniels he said that he received nothing but abuse. This time there was at least a conversation and (intermittently) real communication.
There are warm and human sides to Baron Robbins of Clare Market that shouldn't be hidden away in board rooms or behind big desks, and it was a good idea of the Christian Societies to invite him to "answer the sceptics on Higher Education."
Did he ? Not exactly. But he explored the problems, showed himself to be the kindliest and most liberal of men ("pity he's got so much power," remarked a sparring-partner afterwards). He took us back to the ideals of the Webbs. Keynes, Dalton and Beveridge and gave some illuminating comments.
On Motivation : Of course people come to University with mixed motives. The ones who are solely interested in the advancement of knowledge will always be a distinct minority and more commonly found in the specialisms of the Graduate School. There's no reproach attached to an asiration for career and "worldly advancement.'"
On Graduate Unemployment:
Of course the "temporary recession" hits people in every sector of society; but graduates no more (and probably rather less) than others. There's a good deal to be said for the Russian system whereby students take jobs between school and university (not advisable for star musicians and mathematicians though).
On Representation : Robbins said he'd always favoured full student participation at all_ levels including the Board of Governors, but not in the appointment of staff, where he felt even graduates weren't qualified to advise. (He seemed to take Mr. Camlett's point that students should at least be consulted when there was a question of sacking a member of staff.) He believed, he said, in hierarchy of function, not status. And he thought the Union should be free and independent. Beve-ridge's surrender to paternalism had probably been a mistake.
On Ideological Pressures: At
no time had the School submitted to outside pressures on what or how teaching should be carried out. This was entirely the responsibility of Boards of Studies. He rejected outright any suggestion that staff had been hired or fired on ideological grounds, maintaining that an independent tribunal had vindicated the School's actions over the Blackburn affair. (Uproar). What didn't get through to him was the pressure of unconscious assumptions, hidden curricula that undergird the policies of liberal institutions, protecting them from those who would disturb the status quo in all sectors of education, as one disgruntled teacher made all too painfully plain.
On Elitism : Robbins accepted the charge that higher education had swallowed a larger share of the cake to the detriment of other sectors. He disliked the snobberies of the bin-
ary system and clearly thought the lavish accomodation of some institutions of higher learning had gone too far . . . L.S.E,, however, was a magnificent (or claustrophobic ?) exception. And the housing of students remained an appalling problem.
. On Relevance : People always expected their studies to be immediately relevant to contemporary problems. This was an illusion. The solution to, for example, cancer, might well come not from the resources being poured into cancer research, but from independent discoveries in related fields of biological research. Nevertheless, while L.S.E. had resisted the pressures to become a "Fabian Nursery" (G.B.S.'s idea) it was always envisaged that the ideal of "Rerum Cognoscere Causas" would help to build a better and more humane society.
Conversation with Robbins illustrates the glories and the limitations of liberalism. If this was "repressive tolerance" in action, it was very, very tolerant. Clearly, some smarted under the references to "grown-up conversation" between "grown-ups.' And some thought his persistent analogies between education and industrial processes was significant and regrettable.
But surely this should be a continuing dialogue, which he for one declared he was always ready to resume. "The issues of higher education are far too important to be swallowed up in conflicts between "Union and Management." And, as the distance between Robbins and some of his sharper critics make plain, the issues should not be bedevilled by the bogies of past history.
"Those with ultimate responsibility ... in sharp contrast to those in some other famous institutions . . . made no concession to the threatened encroachments on the proper order of a university and, despite many saddening experiences, the School has survived to maintain a level of teaching, advancement of knowledge and conspicuous public service in no way inferior to the splendid record of its past." Lord Robbins on L.S.E. in Autobiography of an Economist (reviewed in last "Beaver").
Stop press : More, much more information about Robbins and his likely "reappointment" in next issue of "Beaver."
GRAHAM DOWELL,
BOMB HOAX
JN the Old Theatre on Wednesday, Bernadette Devlin's speech against internment was interrupted by a report that an anonymous caller had telephoned Union Office with the information that a bomb had been planted in the Old Theatre, timed to explode at 2.30 p.m. Those present considered the matter to be a hoax and the meeting continued without further incident.
Houghton Street
BK.VVKR. Nov. IlUi. 1971—Page Ten
PASSFIELD
The Natives are restless
an Extraordinary Hall Meeting was held on Thursday, October 28th, to discuss proposals to change the present student / administration relationship, The proposals, put forward by Trevor Jones and myself, were only intended to test the depth of opinion of this year's residents, with a view to going forward maybe later, with some substantial changes.
In fact, we found an unexpected radical streak, in tune with the ideas if not the wording of.the proposal.
For people unfamiliar with the place, Passfield has managed to remain an obscure, class-ridden microcosm of liberal democracy functioning, as is the rule, through the apathy of most residents. Thursday's meeting was amazing in that it drew two-thirds of all residents and held most of them until it closed at 1 a.m. on a conspiracy-sniffing adjournment motion.
PRIVILEGES
The main motions, all passed with overwhelming majorities, covered the abolition of the sinecure of sub-warden, the limitation of room space for the new warden (from four double rooms to two), the ratification of the new appointment by the
Hall assembly (to include the Vvorking staff) and the abolition of the privileged Hightable, whereby the staff get an empty table to themselves whilst the rest of us make do with cramped facilities.
CARR ACT
Both Dr. Foi'ge and Dr. Bridge (warden and sub-warden respectively) were given the opportunity to address the meeting. They only helped to make our case, with Forge doing a "Robert Carr" with the questions, and Bridge muttering something about being forced to share bathroom facilities with students. As for actully eating with us, well, this was taking the community spirit too far.
In fact, students have tried eating at the High table this week, but the staff, obviously put right off their food, didn't reciprocate.
ASSEMBLIES
Thursday's meeting (this week) offers more drama and politics with an attempt to defeat the president and a motion to institute staff/student/worker assemblies to replace the present clique.
KEITH JINKS.
BEAVER
We need help. Articles,
Reviews, Subbing, General
Organisation,
Taking copy to Station.
Proof-reading.
Come to Room S116
St. Clements Building.
CENSURED
UNION passed a motion on
Friday, October 22nd, censuring Trevor Jones for his recent displays of violence and use of abuse towards Council members. The motion, brought by John Stathatos, was the occasion of much hilarity, and resulted in large abstentions from voting.
Since Trevor Jones is only Acting Deputy President, he cannot be expected to resign from his office as a result of the censui'e motion.
ODituarp
fl^OGER PINGOTT, 28-year-old graduate student in Sociology, died in hospital last Sunday. Roger had been attending the LSE since 1967.
Having received a BA in Classics from Cambridge with an upper second, Roger came to the LSE intending to read philosophy, but later transferred to the Sociology department as a doctoral candidate.
At the time of his death, he was engaged in research for a dissertation on "Peasant Mobilisation and Social Development: A General Analytic Model of the Social Action Involved in the Origin and Growth of Peasant Mass Movements in Ancient Rome, 19th and early 2()th century China, and 20th century Venuzuela".
Early in his career here, Roger was involved in internal school politics, serving his first year as treasurer of the GSA, and as acting president for part of the following year.
CEYLON
y^LTHOUGH little attention has been given to the situation in Ceylon by the international press, we cannot assume that all is now "normal" there.
The uprising, which began on April 5th (three weeks after Emergency Regulations gave unprecedented powers to police and military forces), was brutally crushed with the aid of a rare collection of allies, the USA, the USSR, The People's Republic of China, West and ¦ East Germany, India and Pakistan, Britain and Yugoslavia.
NO TRIAL
Thousands of young people were killed or imprisoned. Over 14,000 men and women have been arrested without charge since March: none have yet been tried or allowed to consult a lawyer. There has been no Ceylonese inquiry into the atrocities widely reported to have been committed by police and the armed forces.
The Emergency Regulations have been enlarged, censorship continues, public meetings are banned.
In Britain, a committee has been set up to collect funds.
The need for funds is urgent —for those rendered homeless, for legal aid, for making information available to the British public.
All cheques, etc., should be addressed to: THE TREASURER, THE CEYLON COMMITTEE, c/o THE BERTRAND RUSSELL PEACE FOUNDATION, 3 SHAVERS PLACE, HAYMARKET, LONDON, SW1,

LSE REVISITED
JN the past few days, L.S.E.
has been invaded by both Lionel Robbins and Robert Carr in the guise of invited guests. Virtually no resistance was offered.
Does this mean that a truce has been declared between the student body and its "masters" ? Has student revolt degenerated to asking "embarrassing" questions of its deadliest enemies ?
Two or three years ago.
Robert Carr (or any other Conservative M.P. for that matter) would not have dared to step foot inside L.S.E. Students would have shown their opinion of him and his policies in unequivocal fashion.
Robbins, whose last public appearance before the School resulted in disruption and abuse, remarked on the good manners of his opponents after his recent visit.
The general left tactic seems now to be "let-the-guy-speak"' (in the name of democracy) and
to put awkward questions. But Carr and Robbins, along with all others on the Ri,ght. are past masters at this game.
They ignore hecklers, mis-hear questions, and recite their well-reheai'sed pieces ad nauseum.
You can't embarrass them with awkward questions—they don't hear them. But .you can embarrass them and all they stand for by disrupting their meetings and driving them away. We can't beat them at their own game, so let's invent a new one !
Grads. rest in peace
J^EEN obser\'ers in the Graduate Common Room will have noticed recently the apearance of large notices calling for nominations for various posts on the proposed GSA Committee. One week after posting there was still a large empty space on the board set aside for completed nomination forms. The call for nominations was the final act of the Ad Hoc Committee set up by graduate students last year to re-form a Graduate Students' Association.
Graduates now form a majority of the LSE student body; they are an isolated, fragmented group, with no means of even getting a newspaper delivered to their common room, let alone having the political and social representation that they should have at all levels of the School life.
REVIVAL
The attempt to revive the GSA started over a year ago, in October 1970. The Ad Hoc Committee was formed at a well attended general meeting of graduate students. Sylvia Mil-roy and Sandy Wynn, on whose initiative the meeting was called, explained that the Graduate School and the Director were wary of them because they were both sociologists, and had implied that a more broadly based committee would be looked on more favourably if the GSA was to be restai"ted. The previous GSA had been closed down by the School authorities in the aftermath of the 1968-69 troubles, unpaid debts and so-called "unconstitutional" behaviour. The task of the Ad
Hoc Committee, formed at that meeting, was to draw up a new constitution for a GSA.
The Graduate School Authorities insisted that nothing could be started, not even retrieving the old GSA's Gestetner, lost in the bowels of the School, or ordering newspapers, until a constitution had been submitted to the Authorities and duly approved.
The whole of last year was wasted on that constitution.
A complex and rather ideal-istically democratic structui-e 'was worked out.
The constitution was amended and finally approved by several general meetings of grads., and presented to the Director during March 197L The Director promised to present it to the School Governors for approval.
The constitution is still not approved. Money, for the operation of a GSA, was however promised if and when the constitution was passed. These delaying tactics were compounded by the increasing apathy of the graduate student body. Rumours in the Students' Union that the GSA was an attempt by the Authorities themselves to split the student body did not help; in fact several attempts were made through the SU Council to thrash out the problems involved.
ELECTIONS
At present the constitution is still in the hands of the Director, who refuses to recommend its acceptance by the Governors
because of a "controversial" phrase in the objects clause. This clause refers to GSA relationships with bodies other than the School Authorities and Students' Union, e.g. other universities. The objection' is obviously related to the current Tory anti-student union campaign.
With this difficulty in mind, it was decided that elections for the GSA Committee should in any case go ahead, and leave the newly elected committee to negotiate the final form of the constitution. The first paragraph above indicates the present state of affairs. No-one came forward, no-one wants to be nominated and the Ad Hoc Committee are not prepared to continue in the face of such obvious mass apathy.. The Ad Hoc Committee also feel that the ill-fated constitution over which so much time has been wasted, should be abandoned.
The failure of this attempt to re-form a GSA is perhaps a final judgement on the condition of LSE. It has become an elitist, bureaucratic nine to five college. It has lost its spirit.
Perhaps Professor Griffiths will be able to shed some light on why this has happened in a meeting being held today (Wednesday, 11th) at 1 o'clock in the Graduate Common Room. He is going to talk about Academic Freedom : an issue which was planned as the starting point for GSA activities this year.
DICK CROOK
and
SANDY WYNN.
Printed by Ripley Printers Ltd., Ripley, Derby. Published by L.S.E. Students' Union, St. Clement's Building, Claremarket, London, W.C.2A 2AE